Video summary
In this episode of the Lex Fridman Podcast, Bhaskar Sankara defines socialism primarily through a commitment to guaranteeing core necessities like food, housing, and education for everyone as a baseline requirement. He expands this definition into democratic socialism, which seeks to extend democracy from the political realm into economic and social spheres by treating workplaces not as autocratic entities but as spaces where human potential can flourish under collective guarantees. Sankara argues that while individuals possess unique talents and desires, these are best realized in societies with strong social safety nets; he illustrates this point with his grandmother's illiteracy despite her intelligence, suggesting that systemic support allows ordinary people to cultivate their full humanity rather than dying in poverty or sweatshops. He addresses the tension between rewarding innovation and helping the unlucky by proposing a reallocation of wealth where entrepreneurs are still incentivized for success while workers receive fair wages and reasonable hours, effectively trading off the freedom of one class (the capitalist) against another without descending into tyranny. The conversation explores the relationship between socialism and war, with Sankara noting that traditional socialist movements have historically opposed imperialism and nationalism as drivers of conflict, though he clarifies that most socialists are not pacifists given legitimate struggles for national liberation in colonial contexts. He critiques the military-industrial complex and argues against standing armies dividing nations into hostile entities like Mexico or Russia versus America or Ukraine, envisioning a future where geopolitical divisions become obsolete to advanced humanity. Sankara identifies himself as a Marxist who believes broadly in historical materialism regarding how productive forces evolve and distribute resources but rejects the idea that socialism is an inevitable historical outcome waiting for revolution; instead, he views it as something that must be actively organized for through democratic means, distinguishing his normative belief in liberty, equality, and fraternity from rigid scientific predictions of history. Sankara discusses the origins and mission of *Jacobin*, which he founded during college to provide a platform for debate within socialism rather than dogmatic adherence. He acknowledges the challenge of maintaining an independent socialist publication without succumbing to audience capture or excessive self-censorship, particularly regarding issues like race relations where some on the left have become overly focused on identity politics at the expense of universalist goals. His book, *The Socialist Manifesto*, aims to bridge historical analysis with a vision for the future by examining why past movements failed in places like Russia and China due to authoritarianism while succeeding elsewhere through democratic reform. He emphasizes that contemporary socialism must reconnect with the working class rather than remaining an intellectual fringe movement dominated by professionals who have accomplished little, advocating for organic leadership emerging from labor struggles alongside day-to-day reforms like universal healthcare. Reflecting on his personal journey, Sankara attributes his shift toward Marxism to recognizing how state institutions and geography dictated life outcomes more than individual effort alone, contrasting his own educational success with that of siblings born in the same family but different circumstances. He advises young people to cultivate intellectual curiosity by reading history and sociology outside their immediate bubbles rather than specializing narrowly, arguing that a broad understanding of human history provides essential context for current political debates. Ultimately, Sankara finds meaning not in grand cosmic purposes but in leaving posterity with a world less suffering from oppression and exploitation, encouraging listeners to build relationships and communities that improve lives locally while striving toward a broader socialist vision where humanity is no longer divided by artificial national borders or class hierarchies.
Read the full video transcript
the following is a conversation with
Bhaskar Sankara he's a Democratic
Socialist a political writer founding
editor of Jacobin president of the
nation former Vice chair of the
Democratic Socialist of America and the
author of the Socialist Manifesto the
case for radical politics and an era of
extreme inequality
as a side note let me say that this
conversation with Bhaskar Sankara who's
a brilliant socialist writer and
philosopher represents what I hope to do
with this podcast I hope to talk to the
left and the right to the far left and
the far right always with the goal of
presenting and understanding both the
strongest interpretation of their ideas
and valuable thought-provoking arguments
against those ideas
also I hope to understand the human
being behind the ideas
I trust in your intelligence as The
Listener to use the ideas you hear to
help you learn to think to empathize and
to make up your own mind
I will often fall short in pushing back
too hard
or not pushing back enough
of not bringing up topics I should have
of talking too much of interrupting too
much or or maybe sometimes in the rare
case is not enough of being too silly on
a serious topic or being too serious on
a silly topic I'm trying to do my best
and I will keep working my ass off to
improve
in this way I hope to talk to prominent
figures in the political space even
controversial ones on both the left and
the right for example I hope to talk to
Donald Trump and Alexandria
ocasio-cortez
Toronto Santos and Barack Obama and of
course many others across the political
Spectrum
I sometimes hear accusations about me
being controlled in some way by a
government or an intelligence agency
like CIA FSB Massad or perhaps that I'm
controlled in some way by the very human
desire for money Fame power access
all I have is my silly little words
but let me give them to you
I'm not and will never be controlled by
anyone there's nothing in this world
that can break me and force me to
sacrifice my integrity
people call me naive
I'm not naive I'm optimistic and
optimism isn't a passive state of being
it's a constant battle against a world
that wants to pull you into a downward
spiral of cynicism to me optimism is
freedom
freedom to think to act to build to help
at times in the face of impossible odds
as I often do please allow me to read a
few lines from the poem If by Roger
Kipling
if you can keep your head when all about
you are losing theirs and blaming it on
you
if you can trust yourself and all men
doubt you but make allowance for their
doubting too
if you can wait and not be tired by
waiting or being lied about don't deal
in lies or being hated don't give way to
hating and yet don't look too good don't
talk too wise
even this very poem is mocking my over
romantic Ridiculousness as I read it the
meta irony is not lost on me my friends
I'm a silly little kid trying to do a
bit of good in this world
thank you for having my back through all
of it all of my mistakes
thank you for the love
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um
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please check out our sponsors in the
description and now dear friends
here's Bhaskar senkara
let's start with a big broad question
what is socialism how do you like to
Define it how do you like to think about
it well there's so many socialists out
there and we can't seem to agree about
anything so my definition I'm sure is
you know really just my definition but I
think at the minimum socialism is about
making sure that the core necessities of
life
food housing education and so on are
guaranteed to everyone just by virtue of
being born so that those people can
reach their potential and I think that's
a that's a minimum requirement of
socialism beyond that I think socialism
especially Democratic socialism the type
of socialism that I believe in is about
taking democracy from just the political
Democratic realm and extending it into
economic and social spheres as well so
if we think that democracy is a good
thing why do we allow our workplaces to
be run in autocratic ways so economic
political social
in all those Realms the the ideas the
philosophical ideas apply like what what
are if you can put words to it what are
some
philosophical ideas about human beings
that are at the core of this
I think at the core it's the idea that
we have intrinsic value we are
individuals that have unequal talents of
course we're individuals that want
different things but this unique
individualness can only Truly Come to
light in a society in which there are
certain Collective or social guarantees
so we could think just like Stephen J
Gould the scientists and socialist used
to say about how many thousands of
potential Einsteins or Leonardo da
Vinci's that died you know in sweatshops
and on plantations and never got the
chance to cultivate what was unique and
human about themselves and also never
got a chance to have families and in
part what was special and important to
them to Future generations and to
posterity my own grandmother
I was born in Trinidad and Tobago she
was illiterate till her dying days she'd
been in East Orange New Jersey she never
had the chance to write down her
memories of her life in Trinidad as a
young woman and what it meant um she of
course had lots of children she was able
to impart some stories to her children
and grandchildren but I often think
about what someone with her with an
intelligence could have done with with a
little bit more support
but if all human beings have intrinsic
value you don't have to be an Einstein
for the application some of the ideas
that you're talking about is there a
tension or a trade-off between
our human civilization our society
helping the Unlucky versus rewarding
the skillful and the hard-working I
think you could do both there's always a
balance between the two I think you
could reward people who make Innovations
and and and we would improve lives for
everyone for their Innovations by giving
them let's say even more consumption
even that level of inequality while
still making sure that there's not
people in in poverty and suffering and
while making sure that hey we're gonna
give these people who want to work that
extra 10 hours or 20 hours or want to
apply their their hard work
um some some extra benefits but that
these benefits would be not the extreme
disparities that you have today
so at the core of socialism and maybe
Democratic socialism is a maybe a
reallocation of wealth reallocation of
resources I think it's wealth and
resources yes but it's also power and I
guess one way to think about this is
some thinkers on the right like Hayek
they would say in their most generous
moments talking about socialists and
socialism they would say socialists want
to trade some of your freedom for
equality
and that's them trying to just
accurately describe what socialism is
trying to do the way that I would put it
is a little bit different socialists are
proposing a trade-off but it's really a
trade-off between freedom and freedom
and by that I mean let's say you set up
a successful business
and you set up a business right here in
Austin Texas some sort of firm it's
producing some widget or or whatever and
it's producing
a good that people really want and
demand but you have some competition
um you uh decide to hire 20 30 people to
help you you entered into a free
contract with these people
who under capitalism of course we're not
living in feudalism have the option to
join any other firm but they like you
and they like this firm and they like
your offer and you're paying them let's
say twenty dollars an hour for
um 40 hours of work per week now if the
government comes along and says
okay there's now a new minimum wage the
minimum wage is 22 an hour and also
there's a maximum work week 35 hour work
week and if you work someone over 35
hours even if they agree you have to pay
them time and a half
now that of course is now an abridgement
of your freedom as an entrepreneur your
freedom to set certain terms of
employment to engage in a contract with
free people but now your workers and
other workers in the sector because if
you did it unilaterally you just get
undercut by your competition now these
people now have a few extra hours a week
they can do whatever they want with you
know they could watch more NFL with it
they could you know spend more time with
their friends or family or whatever else
and they're still getting paid the same
if not better because because the wages
also went up so it's really a question
often of trade-offs between who whose
freedom and autonomy are you going to
prioritize the freedom and autonomy of
the entrepreneur
um or the capitalist in this case or the
freedom of autonomy of ordinary workers
now you could create a society that
swings so far in the direction of
um prioritizing the freedom of one group
or one class or whatever else compared
to another that you end up in some sort
of tyranny now if the state said
you know you Lex you're you're a
capitalist so you don't get the right to
vote or we're going to take away your
private home or your ability to to do
um things that we think are intrinsic
human rights now this would be tyranny
this would be an abridgement of of your
your rights but shaping your ability in
the economic sphere to be in an economic
actor is I think within the realm and
scope of democratic politics
yeah so those are the extremes you're
referring to and uh
one perspective I like to take on
socialism versus capitalism is
under each system the extremes of each
systems and the moderate versions of
each system
how can people take advantage of it
so it seems like no matter what part of
human nature is whatever the rules
whatever the framework whatever the
system somebody's going to take
advantage of it and
that's the kind of pragmatic look at it
in practice what actually happens also
the incentives and the human behavior
what actually happens in practice under
these systems so if you have a higher
and higher minimum wage and people watch
more and more NFL how does that change
their actual Behavior as a productive
member of society and actually at the
individual level
as somebody
as somebody who could be an Einstein and
chooses not to because NFL is so awesome
to watch so like it's both how do people
malicious people that want to take
advantage maybe not malicious but
people that like me are lazy and want to
take advantage uh and people that
also I think like me like I I tend to
believe about myself that I have
potential
and if I let my laziness naturally take
over which it often does I won't
materialize the potential
so if you
um if you make life too easy for me I
feel like I will never get anything done
me personally of course there's a giant
set of circumstances of The Unlucky and
the overburdened and so on okay so how
can people take advantage of each system
socialism capitalism so for one thing
people are going to take advantage of
systems they're going to find loopholes
they're going to find ways around
they're going to find ways to to at
times Dominate and chorus others even in
systems meant to get rid of domination
and coercion that's why we need to
design our systems in our such a way
that that it eliminates as many of these
things as possible and also that's why
we need democracy we need Freedom so in
a Soviet system for instance you have
the rise of this authoritarian
bureaucracy that dominated of course
others in the name of socialism
now
that system desperately could have used
some political democracy and some checks
on what people were doing and some
ability to reverse the power right and
as soon as of course little elements of
democracy was brought to that system
um the system you know collapsed uh
because there started to be outlets for
for Dissent and for dissatisfaction so I
think we can't design our priori a
perfect system we need to be committed
to certain principles that allow systems
to be perfected and for me that's the
importance of democracy so even a few
years ago not to go on a pension but
um people were allowing Chinese
authoritarianism and they're saying
China is building this efficient system
the state runs so well there's
technocratic Excellence plus there's
just productivity and they're just
working harder than Americans and and
whatever else but look at in practice
what really happened with coven both the
initial the suppressing of information
about what was happening and and Wuhan
and the outbreak were many ordinary
Chinese workers and doctors and others
were trying to get the word out and they
were suppressed
um by by Communist Party officials
locally and move on properly with the
collusion naturally nationally and now
now with zero covert policies and
whatever else so I think that that often
we find that even though it seems like
these are are weak systems and and
democracy makes us less uh competent
technocratically and otherwise I think
it's kind of a necessity for systems to
grow and evolve to have that freedom in
Civil Society but as for individuals now
the first part of it is yeah I think
people should be free to make their own
choices you might have tremendous
potential but you might choose to spend
it in Leisure and Leisure doesn't only
mean doing you know sitting around at
home drinking a bunch of beers kind of
wasting your life away that way Leisure
might mean spending more time with their
friends and family
building these sort of relationships
that are gonna maybe not change the
world and some some medicines but we'll
change the lives of the people around
you and we'll change your community for
the for the better I'm taking notes here
because I for me at least you're just
about playing a lot of Skyrim this whole
family relationship then I'm gonna have
to work on that I didn't realize that's
also including Leisure because I'm gonna
have to reconsider my whole life here
hey you know Leisure should mean Civic
activity too right I mean there's that
famous book The the Robert Putnam won
bowling alone or whatever we described
it for now I mean I'm I was born in 1989
I like you know um video and computer
games you know
um so I definitely do that type of
leisure too but uh I found a lot more
richness in my life when in the last you
know decade a lot of my leisure has
returned to like going to the local bar
for like the couple drinks I have a week
instead of doing it at home alone
watching TV or something you know
because you get that random conversation
that sense of a place and and belonging
but
I guess what's the undercurrent maybe of
your question was
now if you have a system with lots of
carrots but not the whip of hey you
might be destitute you might be
unemployed you you might not be able to
support yourself unless you're you're
working a certain amount would we still
be as productive would we still be able
to generate enough value for society
um and I think that that's a question
that that is is quite quite interesting
I think that we're living in a society
now with enough abundance that we could
afford
more people deciding to opt out of the
system out of production
and that the carrots of staying in you
know more money for consumption more
ability to do cool things more just
social rewards it comes from being
um successful or from from providing uh
would be enough but that's another thing
that would have to be balanced in a
system so if we're seeing mass
unemployment by choice in a Democratic
Socialist system
then you might need to reconfigure the
incentives you might need to encourage
people to go back into production but
that's something that again you could do
through democracy and through good
governance
um you don't have to set the perfect
blueprint I'm in in motion
um you know write up a Treatise now in
50 years from now you know try to follow
it like it's scripture
so by the way I do like how you said
whip instead of stick in the carrot and
stick that's putting a weight on the
scale of which is better but yes
um
but I would actually argue to push back
that the wealthier we get as a society
as a world that the more comfortable the
social Nets become
the so the less of a whip or stick they
become
because one of the negative consequences
even if you're on welfare is like well
life is not going to be that great
but
the the wealthier we become
the better the social programs become
the easier life becomes at the bottom
and so you might not have this
motivation financially to get out from
the bottom that said the push back and
the pushback is that there's something
about human nature in general money
aside that strives for greatness that uh
strives to provide
um a great life a great middle class
life for your family so that's the
motivator to get off from the bottom
well I think a lot of people who are
stuck at the bottom of the labor market
today
um one these are people who are kind of
are are true philanthropists because a
lot of them are the ones who are working
two jobs and are working 60 plus hours
and are providing
um in this country it's such a such a
bargain for their labor because they're
so underpaid
um so many of the things that the rest
of us use uh to to enjoy life and
consumption or whatever else like I I
got here from downtown
um Austin and I think my lift you know I
did tip but I think my lift was like
eight bucks base or whatever whatever
else you know it's it's it's it's it's
it's the
um I think that we are all indebted to
people who are are working and we don't
see it at various stages of the the
production process from you know the
workers in China and Taiwan producing
um you know technological things that
we're recording this on to
um you know Growers and and and and and
workers and agriculture in the U.S so so
I think that one
um Working Class People are already
working but as far as you know getting
out from under poverty and and
Desperation we're in a society that
doesn't give people a lot of tools so if
you uh don't have access to good Public
Schools uh from you know age five until
you know 12 13. it's gonna be really
hard to move from generations of of your
your family being involved in manual
labor to doing other forms of of Labor
you're going to be stuck at a certain
part of our of our labor market as a as
a result
um if you don't have access to decent
Healthcare you know throughout your life
uh you might be already preordained to
an early grave by the time you that
something kicks in you really want to to
change something in your life and then
the your your mid-20s obviously it's a
combination of agency and all these
other factors there's still something I
think innately human innately striving
than a lot of people have but we don't
really give people in our current
Society the tools to really be full
participants in our society we just take
for granted for example you know for the
Northeast so I give like excessively
Northeast examples we take for granted
that that someone from you know Hartford
Connecticut is going to have
um your average working-class person
Hartford is going to have a very
different life outcome than someone born
on the same day the same hour have in in
Greenwich Connecticut you know we we
take for granted that accidents of Earth
are going to dictate outcomes so you
mean like depending on the conditions of
where you grew up there's going to be
fundamentally different experience in
terms of Education in terms of the
resources available to you to allow
yourself to flourish yes if you do a
poor City in a rich city and Connecticut
is is great it's highly highly
underrated both New Yorkers and people
from Boston kind of have a colonial
feeling about Connecticut where we make
fun of it and we try to carve it up you
know the West belongs to Newark the east
of Boston but you know I'm I'm here for
you know Connecticut nationalism I think
it's it's a great place okay
can we actually step back a little bit
on definitions because you said that
some of the ideas practically that
you're playing with is democratic
socialism
we talked about the higher level the
higher kind of vision of socialism the
ideals the philosophical ideas
but how does it all fit into the big
picture historically of ideas of Marxism
communism
uh and socialism as as it was defined
and experienced and implemented in the
20th century so what's your key
differences maybe even just like
socialism communism yeah well I hate the
no true Scotsman sort of response to
this which is oh that socialism is bad
so it wasn't really socialism and my
socialism is good so it is socialism
um but I think that socialism and
communism share a common ancestor which
is they both emerged out of the turmoil
and development of late 19th century
capitalism and the fact that there was
all these workers parties that were
organizing across the capitalist World
um so in Europe for instance
you had this Mass party called the
German Social Democratic party
um in the uh that became probably the
most important the most vibrant party in
Germany in the 1880s and 1890s but they
were locked out a power because Germany
at the time was was still mostly a
Target you know it had a parliamentary
democracy but it was a very undemocratic
democracy the Kaiser is still still
ruled these movements took Route across
uh the capitalist world but including in
Russia and in conditions of illegality
so it was assumed for many many years
and the workers movement across Europe
and among socialists of Europe they call
themselves social Democrats then
that
the revolution would first probably
happen in Germany and this developed
growing Hub of industrial uh capitalism
and not in semi-futal Russia
but then World War one came the workers
movement was split between parties that
decided to either keep their head down
or to implicitly support the war
um and then you know support the war for
now or keep your heads down don't get
banned don't get arrested then we'll
just take power after the war is over
and those like Russia and also in the
United States for that matter they chose
the path of resistance to the war
and it was the Bolshevik faction of the
the uh of the Russian movement
um but Landon's Bolshevik party that
took power in Russia after a period of
turmoil where it didn't seem well was it
going to go to the fascist right or was
they going to go to the far left there
was a period of flux and turmoil in in
Russia but definitely the old regime was
not able to to stand and these Russian
social Democrats these Bolsheviks
said social democracy has so betrayed
the idea of internationalism and
Brotherhood and progress it was supposed
to stand for that we can't call
ourselves social Democrats anymore we're
going to go back to this old term that
Marx used we're going to call ourselves
communists
and that's where official kind of
Communism out of Russia emerged in other
parts of Europe parties were actually
able to take power some in the interwar
period but most in the post-war period
And they also came out of this old
Social Democratic movement and these
parties mostly just call themselves
socialists and a lot of them still on
paper wanted to go beyond capitalism but
in practice they just manage capitalism
better in the interests of workers
um but they all had the same common
ancestor
and in practice to me social democracy
means trying to insert doses of
socialism within capitalism but
maintaining capitalism communism meant
this attempt to build a socialism
outside of capitalism and often
authoritarian ways in part because of
the ideology of these Communists but in
part because of the conditions in which
they inherited you know they were
inheriting a democracy they were
inhering a country that had been uh
ruled by the tsars for you know for
centuries
um and with very little condition like a
very weak working class you know very
you know poor and devastated by War and
so on where authoritarianism kind of
landed itself uh to those conditions
um and then there's me you know then
there's Democratic socialists and the
way I would Define it is we like a lot
of what the social Democrats
accomplished but we still believe in
going Beyond capitalism and not just
building socialism within capitalism but
we believe in this ultimate vision of a
world after capitalism
what is that world look like and how is
it different from communism actually
maybe we can linger before we talk about
your vision of democratic socialism
what was wrong with Communism stalinism
implementation of Communism in the
Soviet Union why did it go wrong
so and in what ways did it not go wrong
in what ways did it succeed let me start
with the second part of that question
and that's a very difficult one to
answer in part because
I morally and ethically am opposed to
any form of authoritarianism or
dictatorship and often when you talk
about the successes of a government or
what it did developmentally that might
have been positive we have to abstract
ourselves from what we morally believe
and just just kind of look at the record
right
I would say that the Soviet experiment
started off by in Lenin's time as the
attempt to kind of just hold a holding
action
hey we don't really have the conditions
to rule this country we have the support
of the working class or most of it but
the working class is only you know three
percent of the the population you know
the peasantry is really against us a lot
of this three percent of the population
has died in war and half of them
supported the mensheviks and the more
moderate socialists anyway but
the alternative in their minds was going
to be a far-right reaction you know some
sort of General taking power in a coup
or whatever else or just them ending up
back in prison because a lot of them
were in prison on the Czar or just
killed so they figured
all right we're gonna have a holding
action where we maintain as much of this
territory of the old Russian Empire as
possible we'll try to slowly Implement
changes restabilize the economy through
something called a new economic program
which was kind of a form of social
democracy if you if you will because it
allowed market exchange for the peasants
um combined with State ownership of
Industries in the cities and
for a while it seemed to be working the
revolution never came that they were
expecting in Western Europe but in
Russia itself they were able to
restabilize things by the middle or end
of the the 1920s and they were able to
build more of a popular base for some of
their policies because people who had
seen the chaos of World War One and
Revolution and then Civil War kind of
just wanted stability and after a decade
plus a war if you had a government that
was able to give you enough to eat and a
job you know that was good enough for
them
then Stalin came into power and he
wanted to rapidly industrialize in his
logic was the revolution's not going to
come in the west we need to build
socialism in one country and we need to
catch up with the West we need to turn
ourselves into industrial Powerhouse as
quickly as possible
and that's where you got forced
collectivization to try to increase the
productivity of Russian agriculture
through State ownership of previously
fragmented agricultural Holdings and
through the
implementation of mechanization so bring
in more machines to make agriculture
more productive all under State
ownership
plus more ambitious attempts to build
heavy industry through five-year plans
now
I say this kind of coolly but we know in
practice what that meant you know forced
collectivization was a disaster I mean
first of all I think was built on the
faulty premise that scale always equals
more productivity when in fact
especially in agriculture but in any
field it's a little bit more complicated
than that and it led to millions of
deaths you know it led to famine it let
a host of other problems
um industrialization uh in the way that
it happened under Stalin also kind of
unbalanced the Soviet economy to lean
too heavy towards heavy industry not
enough for medium or Light Industry
um but
this did mean especially the um The
Five-Year Plan in industrialization did
manage to put Russia on a different
developmental trajectory
so
by the time the post-war period came
the one it might have gave them the
ability to survive the Nazi invasion to
begin with it was a complicated question
and then by the time the post-war period
came uh Russia had kind of jumped ahead
of its developmental trajectory in a way
that a lot of other countries didn't do
there are a few examples like Japan is
one to manage to if you kind of ran a
scenario where Japan would be in the
1870s 1880s and ran it 100 times the
Japan of the post-war period is kind of
one of the best outcomes right and I
think that that you could say that about
Russian Economic Development its ability
to catch up at a certain level to the
West
and then after that of course um
later on
um as economies got more complex as they
kind of moved Beyond uh regular heavy
industry and as as the main stable of
the economy the Russian economy in its
command system was unable to adapt and
cope and ended up falling back behind uh
the West Again by the by the 1970s so
all this is a very long story to say
that a lot went wrong and Russia the
economic picture is actually a little
bit more complicated politically
um I I think it's just a small party
without much popular support but with
real popular sport in a couple cities
but a lot without a lot of popular
support Empire wide
um took power and they felt they
couldn't give back power
and they kept holding on to power and
eventually among their ranks in these
conditions uh one of History's great
tyrants took power and was able to
justify what he was doing
um in the context of the Russian nation
and development but also all the threats
that came from abroad through you know
the Civil War wasn't just a civil war it
was really an invasion by by many um
Imperial Powers all around the world
um as well so I think a lot of it was
conditions and Circumstance
um and I guess the the question really
is to what role ideology played is there
something within the Socialist tradition
that might have lend itself to
authoritarianism and that's that's
something we should you know talk about
and that's really complicated human
question it does seem
that the rhetoric the populism
of Workers Unite
we've been fucked over for way too long
let's Stand Together
somehow that message allows
um flawed or evil people to take power
it seems like the rhetoric the idea is
so good
maybe the utopian nature of the idea is
so good that allows a great speaker to
take power
uh is it's almost like
if the mission
um like come with me friends be on the
horizon a great land is waiting for us
uh that encourages sort of yeah
dictators authoritarians to take power
is there something within the ideology
that allows for that for the sort of uh
for lying to people essentially
well I might surprise you with my answer
because I would say yes maybe but I
think that it's not just socialism
any sort of ideology that appeals to
the collective and appeals to our
long-term
Destiny either as a species or as a
nation or as a class or whatever else
can lend itself to authoritarianism so
you can see this in many of the
nationalisms of the 20th century now
some of these nationalisms used
incredibly lofty Collective rhetoric
like in in Sweden the rhetoric up we're
going to create the people's home we're
going to make this a country with
dignity for all swedes we're going to
make this a country that's more
developed more free and so on if they
manage to build a pretty excellent
Society in my estimation from that you
know in
countries like fascist Germany and Italy
they managed to do horrendous things in
Japan and horrendous things with that in
the U.S with national popular appeals uh
FDR was able to unite a nation
um to elevate
um ordinary Working Class People into a
position where they felt like they had a
real stake in the country and I think
did great things with the New Deal in
Russia of course
this language was used to trample upon
individual rights and to justify uh
hardship and abuses of ordinary
individual people in the name of a
collective Destiny a destiny of course
that was just decided by the party in
power and during the the 30s and 40s by
just Stalin himself really
um
no
I think that that that's really the case
for
making sure that we have a Bedrock of
civil rights and democracy and then on
top of that we can debate we can debate
different
um
of national Destinies we could debate
different appeals different visions of
the world but as long as people have a
say and what sacrifices they're being
asked to do and as long as those
sacrifices don't take away what's
fundamentally ours uh which is our life
you know which is our
um you know our our basic rights
and voice our voice so this this
complicated picture
because uh helped me understand
you mentioned that
social democracy
is trying to have social policies within
a capitalist system
in part but your your vision your hope
for a social democracy
is one that goes beyond that
how do you give everybody a voice
while not becoming the Soviet Union
while not becoming where
um
basically people are silenced either
directly through violence or through the
implied threat of violence and therefore
fear
so I think you need to limit the scope
of where the state is and what the state
can do and how the state functions first
of all
um now for me a social democracy was
like the equivalent of
um I'll give a football analogy
um
it was the equivalent of you know
getting to the Red Zone and then kicking
a field goal you know you'll take the
three points but you would have rather
got a touchdown and for me socialism
would be the touchdown it's not a
separate different playing field some
people would say socialism will be an
interception sure sure no and they would
have they would have the right to to
again
um to say that and to say we shouldn't
go go further and most coaches would
take would take the safer out right
so you're going you're going against the
decision anyway yeah yeah but I
understand I understand so but so for
you the goal is
full socialism but I'll take the three
points of you know it's it's a part of
well I just want to March down the field
I want to get get within scoring
position the reason why um we should
really move from this analogy but the
reason why uh I call myself a socialist
is looking through
um history and these examples of social
democracy you saw that they were able to
give Working Class People lots of Rights
and income and and Power in their
society but at the end of the day
capitalists still have the ultimate
power which is the ability to withhold
investment
so they could say in the late 1960s and
early 70s
listen I was fine with this Arrangement
10 years ago but now
I feel like I'm gonna you know take my
money and I'm gonna go move to a
different country or I'm just gonna not
invest because my workers are paid too
much I'm still making money but I I feel
like I could be making more I need more
of an upper hand right so their economic
power
is then
challenging the Democratic Mandate of
Swedish workers that were voting for the
Social Democratic party and we're behind
this this advance so to me what
socialism is in part is taking the means
of production right where there's
capital's Power is coming from and
making it socially owned so that
ordinary workers can control their
workplaces can make investment decisions
and so on
um now does that mean total State
ownership of everything or a planned
economy I don't think that makes any
sense you know I think that we should
live in a society in which markets are
harnessed and regulated and and so on my
main problem is capitalist ownership in
part on normative grounds just because I
think that it doesn't make sense that we
celebrate democracy and all these other
spheres but we have workplaces that are
just
treated like tyrannies
um and in part because I think that
ordinary workers would much prefer a
system in which over time they you know
accrued shares in ownership where they
got in addition to a base kind of ways
they got um dividends from their firm
being successful
and that they figured out how to you
know large firms they're not going to be
making day-to-day Decisions by
Democratic vote right but maybe you
would elect representatives of elected
managements
um once every year or two depending on
your operating agreement and so on
that's kind of my my vision of a
socialist society and this sounds I hope
like agree or disagree like it would not
be a crazy leap into year zero right
that this could be maybe a way in which
we could take a lot of what's existing
in society but then just add this on top
but what it would mean is a society
without a capitalist class this class
hasn't been you know individually these
people uh you know haven't been taken to
re-education camps or or or whatever
else but they're just no longer in this
position and they're now part of the
economy in other ways like they'll
probably be the first set of Highly
competent uh technocrats and managers
and and so on they'll probably be very
well compensated for their for their
time and expertise and whatever whatever
else but to me both the Practical end of
things like uh taking away this ability
to withhold investment and I'm
increasing our ability to democratically
and shape investment priorities and to
continue down the road of social
democracy and on normative grounds by
kind of egalitarian belief that that
Ordinary People should have more stake
in their in their lives in the workplace
um leads me Beyond social democracy to
socialism so there's a tricky thing here
so in in uh Ukraine especially but in
the Soviet Union there's the cool ox
the possible trajectory of fighting for
the beautiful message
of respecting workers rights
has this Dynamic of making an enemy of
the capitalist class
too easily making an enemy of the
capitalist class with a central
leader populist leader that says
the rich and the powerful they're taking
advantage of you
we need to remove them we need to put
them in camps perhaps uh not said
explicitly until it happens it can
happen overnight but just putting a
giant pressure on that capitalist class
and again the Stalin type figure takes
hold so I'm trying to understand how the
mechanism can prevent that
and perhaps I'll sort of reveal my bias
here as I've been reading a
I was going to say too much maybe not
enough but a lot about you know books
like Stalin's war in Ukraine and just
I've been reading a lot about the 30s
and the 40s
um for for personal reasons related to
my travels in Ukraine and all that kind
of stuff so I have a a little bit of a
focus on the historic implementations of
Communism currently without kind of an
updated view of all the possible future
implementations so I just want to lay
that out there but I worry about the
slippery slope into the authoritarian
figure that takes this sexy message
destroys everyone who's powerful in the
name of the working class and then fucks
the working class afterwards
so first of all I think it's worth
remembering that the Socialist movement
had different outcomes across Western
Europe and and Eastern Europe and in
some of these countries in Western
Europe there wasn't actually democracy
before the workers move in and for the
Socialist movement so
the battle in Sweden for instance was
about establishing political democracy
establishing troop representation for
workers and that's how the parties
became popular same thing in Germany too
uh then it was the social Democrats who
were able to build political democracy
then on top of that add layers of
economic
um democracy
um social democracy
the Swedish social Democrats are ruled
basically uninterrupted from the early
1930s until
1976. it's kind of crazy to think about
but they were just in government they
were the leading member of government
that a few different Coalition Partners
would shift sometimes they were with
their agrarians sometimes they were with
uh the the Communists briefly but they
ruled uninterrupted and they lost an
election in 1976 and they just left
power and then they got back into power
in the 80s so so in other words like
they created a democratic system of
course with mass support of Working
Class People then they truly honored the
system because when they lost power they
lost power they left left power there's
plenty of cases like that across
um Europe and the world and in other
countries like Korea and elsewhere where
the workers movements the most militant
the most class Centric workers
um South Africa is the same way uh
created democratic systems
now Russia I think a lot of what
happened had to do with the fact that it
was never a democratic country it was
ruled by a party and the party itself
was very easy to shift from a somewhat
Democratic party in London's day to an
authoritarian one in Russia and there
was no distinction then between the
party and the state so your
authoritarian party then became
authoritarian total control over the
entirety of the state now the fact that
the Soviet system involved total State
ownership of production meant that the
authoritarianism of the party State
could go even deeper into the lives of
ordinary people compared to other
horrific
um dictatorships like pinochets Chile
and so on when maybe you could find some
Solace like just at home or whatever
else you didn't have the same sort of
totalitarian you know
um uh like control of people's lives
um but I would say that that that
socialism self has yield different
outcomes now in the question of
polarization
I guess that implies that this
polarization this distinction
is a distinction that isn't real in
society and that is kind of being
manufactured or generated so you mean
the capitalist class and the working
class just to clarify yeah okay so in
certain populist distinctions
the
the division is basically arbitrary or
made up the US versus them polarization
depending who the US and who the them
are you know it's it's truly a a a
something that's manufactured but
capitalism itself as a system as a
system based on class division whether
you're supported or oppose it I think
you should we should acknowledge it's
based on class division
that is the thing creating that
polarization now I think what a lot of
what socialists try to do is we try to
take bits of working class opposition to
capitalism to their lives to the way
they're treated at work and so on and
yes we do try to organize on those bases
to help workers take Collective action
to help them organize and political
parties and someone to represent their
their interest economic and otherwise
but the contradiction
exist to begin with and if anything this
system which I'm proposing Democratic
socialism would be kind of a resolution
of this this this conflict this dilemma
this thing that has always existed since
you know Chieftain and follower and and
so on we've had class division since the
Neolithic Revolution you know I think
this is a democratic Road out of that
that tension and that division of
humanity into people who own and people
have nothing to give but their ability
to work so that sort of that idea is
grounded in uh is all going all the way
back to Marx that all of human history
can be told through the lens of class
struggle is there some sense can you
still man the case that this class
difference is over exaggerated
that
there's a difference
but it's not the difference of the
abuser and the abused
it's more of a difference of
uh people that were successful and
people that were less successful so I'll
play Devil's Advocate which is a that
maybe
one could argue that it's purest
earliest stage capitalism is based on a
Stark
difference but then since then two
things have happened one a bunch of
socialists and workers have organized to
guarantee certain rights for Working
Class People certain protections so then
our system now there are certain safety
nets Less in the U.S than in other
countries but in a lot of countries are
pretty extensive safety nets even like
40 Hour Work Week minimum wage
safety regulations all that kind of
stuff yeah and all those things are
in my mind doses of socialism within
capitalism because what you're doing is
you are taking the autonomy of
capitalists to do whatever they want
with the people contracted to them
and the only thing stopping them is you
know them potentially being able to go
to another employer but even then it's
kind of a potentially a race to the
bottom if you know you you can't get
more than uh two dollars an hour from
any employer in your in your Market
you're gonna have to you know live with
it so one factor is we have built in
those Productions so we've taken enough
socialism into capitalism that you could
say that at a certain point maybe it
makes a qualitative difference and not
just a quantitative difference in
people's lives the other thing is over
time we've gotten wealthier and more
productive as a society
so maybe at some point the quantitative
difference of just more and more wealth
means that even if in the abstract the
division between a worker and a
capitalist is real if that worker is
earning you know a quarter million
dollars a year and has a good life and
only has to clock in 35 hours a week 30
hours a week
and has you know four weeks of vacation
then like isn't it just like an abstract
or philosophical
um difference so I think you could level
those two arguments what I would say is
that one
um
a lot of these rights that we have
fought for are constantly being eroded
and they're under attacked in part
because the economic power the
capitalists have bleeds into our
political democracy as well there's
constant lobbying for all sorts of labor
market deregulations and and so on
um I fundamentally believe
that
if tomorrow all those regulations went
away capitalists would fight to pay
people as little as possible and we'll
be back in 19th century capitalism and
not because they're bad people because
if I'm running a firm and all of a
sudden my competition is paying is is
able to find a labor pool and is paying
people less than me I'm going to be
undercut because they'll be able to take
some of that extra savings and invest
into new technology or whatever else and
they'll gobble up my market share before
long
um and then also beyond that I do think
there's a normative question here which
is
now do we believe that ordinary people
have a capacity
to be able to make certain decisions
about their work do we believe they know
more about their work than their bosses
um now I don't think that's not true at
every level but I think there's no doubt
that in workplaces workers know how to
productively do their tasks in ways that
their manager might not know I think
we've all been in workplaces where we've
had managers who kind of don't know what
you do or what what whatever else
um and I think that collectively if
incentivized we could uh have them one
instead of hoarding or that information
um since they're getting a stake in in
production and and so on they'd be able
to more freely share it and be able to
reshape how their day-to-day work
happens
and also with with elect demanders you
kind of take it up the the chain I think
you would have perfectly efficient uh
market-based firms
um that that could exist without
capitalists so there's a I mean there's
a lot of uh things to say
maybe within just very very low level
question of if the workers are running
the show
there's a brutal truth to the fact that
some people are better and the workers
know this
that's the Steve Jobs a players you want
to have all the a players in the room
because one B player can poison the pool
because then everybody gets demotivated
by like uh
by the nature of that
lack of excellence and competence this
is just to take sort of a crude Devil's
Advocate perspective
are the workers going to be able to
remove the incompetent from the pool
in the in the name in the goal of
towards the mission of succeeding as a
collective so I think that any
successful model of socialism that
involves the market you need two things
one is the micro level you need the
ability to uh fire people and for them
to exit firms which might be a slower
process in a Cooperative based firms
than it is in a capitalist firm without
a union but if you're probably akin to
the process that would happen in a
capitalist firm of which there are many
with unions
um
so you need that and then at the macro
level you need firm failure you need to
avoid a dilemma that happened in Soviet
style economies which was soft budget
you know constraints and
um firms basically not being allowed to
fail because the government was
committed to Full Employment the firms
employed people so even inefficient
firms were at the end of the day they
knew they were going to be propped up by
the government and they would be given
all the resources they would need no
matter how efficient inefficiently they
were using those resources to maintain
employment so I think you need you need
both do you worry about this idea of
firing people
man I'm uncomfortable with the idea I
hate it but I also know it's extremely
necessary
so is there something about a collective
a socialist system that makes firing you
said it might be slower might it become
extremely slow too much friction isn't
there a tension between respecting the
rights of a human being and saying like
you need to step up uh maybe sort of
deposit the carrot like you really like
to really encourage fellow workers know
when they're there's a person that's not
pulling their side of the do doing as
great of a job as they could be like
they
but isn't the person that's not doing a
great of a job going to start to
manipulate the system that slows the
firing in their self-interest
well I think there would be certain so
maybe another way to to put it is think
about like if you're a partner at a law
firm right
um I don't really know how law firms
work so I probably shouldn't use this
analogy but but correct me if I'm wrong
but let's say your partner you kind of
have equity in your Law Firm or
something beyond your billable hours and
let's say you're um going to be fired
from your Law Firm or they're laying off
people or whatever else they'll they
could just get rid of you but they would
also have to figure out how to kind of
buy you out too after a certain point so
I think that like in a in a Cooperative
firm you'd probably have a system where
you after a certain point of working
productively you probably have a period
where you get fired really quickly uh no
matter what but once you do a job
security kicks in you would be able to
um you know it would be a process it
would probably be like you know a day or
two process to figure it out or maybe
they would have a progressive discipline
process which is first you have to get
at a verbal feedback and then maybe a
written performance review then you
could be fired I mean that's how it
works in a lot of workplaces with either
unions or with just basic job security
um in most countries that's how it works
because there's not at will employment
in most countries so I think that that
the real tension is
if you fire someone if you're condemning
them to destitution then morally you you
really feel something there as you
should as a human being concerned about
other other people but in a social
system or even basic Social Democratic
system there would be mechanisms to take
care of that person so one if a firm is
failing for any reason they're getting
out compete or whatever whatever else
those workers would then land in the
hands just for a little bit of the state
right and there could be active labor
market policies to retrain people to go
into expanding sectors or your sector is
now obsolete but here you have these
skills you're going to be trained and
and here are some resources to kind of
help you along your training and then
there's a bunch of firms hiring so go on
your way and then also just with an
expanded welfare state being destitute
in certain countries being unemployed in
certain countries is easier than in
other countries or situations so you
know you still can fall back on on that
mechanism and also in my vision of of
um of Market socialism a democratic
socialism uh there would be an expanded
State sector
um not not anything you can imagine but
the way in which there's more of a state
sector in countries like Norway or
Denmark than there is in the US so there
would be you know various forms of state
employment and whatever whatever else
um so I mean I think that the real
question is should being bad at your job
or getting fired for any reason or
getting laid off should that be a cause
to have you you know totally lose your
shirt or maybe should you just have to
rebound maybe you have less money for
consumption or whatever else and you'll
be on your way onto bigger and better
things you know in a in a few months so
a strong social net
in many ways make it uh more efficient
to fire people who are not good at their
job because then they won't be
um that won't actually significantly
damage their quality of life they have a
chance to find a job at which they can
flourish sure right to step out into the
macro
the
there's a tension here as well so you
said that there's an equality between
the classes
the capitalist class in the working
class and sort of there's a lot of ways
you can maybe correct me on the numbers
but you could say that the top one
percent of Americans have more wealth
than the bottom 50 percent that's not
talking about perhaps capitalist class
and um
and the working class but it's a good
sort of estimate right
the flip side of that if you just look
at countries that have more economic
freedom versus less economic freedom
more capitalism versus less capitalism
their GDP seems to be significantly
higher
and so at the local level you might say
that the there's an inequality but if
you look historically over decades it
seems like the more capitalism there is
the higher the GDP grows and therefore
the level of
uh the quality of life and the basic
income the basic wealth the average even
including the working class goes up over
time can you see like both sides of this
so I could definitely accept some of
that premise one uh within capitalism
right
um You want a bigger pie and then if you
divide up that pie you know you'll even
if if the bottom 10 or the working class
share uh let's say is is
um is less as a percentage it's still
more in in in raw terms so it's better
for for everyone
the part that I would dispute is
more economic freedom versus less
economic freedom so there's obviously
some countries in which
capitalism doesn't work and maybe
economic freedom plays a role like if
you're in a country like Egypt or India
with a highly or previously highly
bureaucratic system so you need to get
licenses to do anything and you need to
run things through the state or you need
to bribe someone to get an incorporation
done or whatever else that's in case of
which I would accept the premise of okay
economic freedom to to take
entrepreneurial risk to start something
new is limited
um there's all sorts of factors in which
it's too
um you know too difficult uh to
um
to start a firm and it benefits
um no one really except for whatever
bureaucracy might be might be um you
know taking their 15 cut
um but in general I think in advanced
economies it doesn't really work that
way so think about it this way
if you're pretend like we're back I'm
sorry to go to Scandinavia again but
this is you know a good a good example
let's say you're back in the 1970s in
Scandinavia or whatever else you're in a
country with extremely
um
powerful unions so the unions have a lot
of Labor rights the state has certain
high taxation certain guarantees on you
too but you're you're a capitalist there
um
now what would you do if your capitalist
competitors in the U.S were able to pay
workers
um ten dollars an hour and you have to
pay them 20.
um
you would probably and assuming you
can't just flee or shut down or whatever
else you'd probably find ways to use
labor-saving technology right that that
power of of the high wages might
encourage you to invest more in
technology and to utilize people's times
better so they're more productive at
work so they're not just like sitting
around or whatever else so
this really happened in practice in the
Scandinavian countries in part because
it was combined with a certain type of
um a pattern rage bargaining so I'll
explain this really simply but let's
pretend that
you're in a um
a sector
with three different companies I would
say on Automotive sector and I'll just
say
one is GM one is forward one is Chrysler
now all these workers in your your
sector are all unionized they're all you
know Swedish UAW whatever the equivalent
is members and they're all paid
um the same and the union is setting
through marketing the union is setting
the wages across the sector
but the unions and let's say GM is the
most productive uh of these companies
Ford is number two Chrysler is number
three the Unions would intentionally set
the wages
um set their Benchmark to forward in the
middle
so what that would do is say to Ford
okay Ford will stay in business because
they'll be able to meet the wage demands
Chryslers probably might go out of
business uh because you know they won't
be able to meet the demand so they'll
have to really adapt really quickly they
might have to lay off people they might
have to restructure the union knows this
in advance and all the Auto Workers know
this
but the most efficient manufacturer GM
now has excess profits because if they
were work negotiating with just the GM
workers the GM workers might even have
been able to demand more but instead
these workers are are pegging their wage
demands to Ford's level and GM is in
theory able to expand and employ more
people and adopt new production
techniques with their Surplus then
those Chrysler workers would be absorbed
by the state by active labor market
policies are then put back to work for
GM or for these expanding you know
sectors so in other words you're now in
a situation where the state has a pretty
big role in your economy taking a lot of
your money and taxes the unions are are
really shaping your your life as a
capitalist far more that would happen in
a country like the United States and yet
still despite your more limited economic
freedom you're still creating a more
productive economy so it could work it
just has the system has to be designed
right and I think social democracies
were designed the right way I think any
future Democratic socialism after social
democracy would have to be designed the
right way could you just linger in that
a little more the pattern wage
bargaining so GM is the most efficient
then Ford is the second most can you
explain to me how uh can you explain to
me again the wages sending the wages to
the fourth level how that is good for GM
so how that encourages more GM this is
just um uh sectoral or actually in this
case centralized wage
um uh bargaining so uh setting the wages
at a level that Ford can afford but a
level that would probably be too
expensive for Chrysler in the automotive
sector would benefit GM because they're
drawing what we could call excess
profits
because
GM if the GM itself could potentially
um have to deal with just the Enterprise
of GM workers bargaining for wages and
if they saw that profitability was high
they would know their leveraged and they
would say pay us even more or else we're
going to go on strike
but instead they're they're they're
accepting slightly lower wages than they
would have otherwise had in return for
the company Having excess profits that
there through both the state their Union
and sometimes like there's there's
worker councils or whatever else they're
playing a role in saying okay we're
gonna make sure this excess profit is
actually invested productively
um in order to expand employment and you
know just the output
okay can we can we talk about unions in
general then what are the pros and cons
of unions
so the interest the Union
maybe you can correct me if I'm wrong I
have a lot to learn both about the
economics and The Human Experience of a
union
the Union's interest is to um
what to protect
worker rights and to maximize worker
happiness not the success and the
productivity and the efficiency of a
company right no I would disagree
um so I think a Union's interest is in
what's collectively bargaining on behalf
of workers because in certain cases
um you know I am right now a manager at
uh the nation magazine right if I have a
problem with my working conditions or I
need a raise or whatever else I could
with my skill set my background my role
in the company I could go to my boss the
owner of the nation and say okay I need
to renegotiate my contract on these
terms I could bargain right now
if I was a ordinary worker at like a CVS
or something if I didn't like my
conditions and I went to my boss and
said hey I need a two dollar raise and
you know I need to like be home by 8 30
because you know I I have I have
obligations at home uh the boss would
probably say I'm sorry that's not
possible right you know maybe try the
Rite Aid down the street or the
Walgreens down the street or whatever
um now if I went to the boss at a place
like CVS or even better if all the
pharmaceutical suitable workers
um you know at Rite Aid CVS Walgreens
went to our bosses and said listen
um you know we collectively need to uh
uh two dollars more and and you know
better hours shorter shifts or whatever
else then they would probably have no
choice but to concede you have to
bargain collectively at any level if if
you're in a ordinary worker
um and there are some exceptions but
that's for certain highly skilled
workers but even in in in those cases of
course all workers are skilled I mean
just the technical definition
um given in those cases a lot of those
workers have to bargain collectively as
well in order to get more more wealth
but but it's but they cannot make their
demands so excessive that their firm
gets out of business so to the workers
only uh are workers as long as they're
gained fully employed so often unions
will uh try to select their wage demands
at such a level that it ensures that
their firm will stay in business yeah
but the problem is the way firms go out
of business isn't by an explosion
uh like uh the way popcorn starts
getting cooked like you at a certain
moment it just is over
you can it seems like the union can
through uh collective bargaining keep
increasing the wage keep increasing the
interest
of the worker until it suffocates the
company that it doesn't die immediately
but it dies in like five years so that
might still serve the interest of the
worker
but it doesn't serve the interest of
society as a whole that's creating cool
stuff and increasing so a market that's
operating and increasing cool stuff and
constantly innovating and so on and uh
creating more and more cool stuff and
increasing the quality of life in
general I disagree with the premise
because I think you're even taking your
example that would be better for society
if a firm cannot pay its workers a
living wage but its competitors can then
that firm should will either figure out
a way to innovate develop new techniques
new markets new ways to be productive or
it should go out of business and it
would be better for it to go out of
business than to stay in business or to
be artificially kept in business in any
sort of way
um and yeah so let me that's so that's
the Chrysler in my old
um centralized environment yeah right
but but then there is you know
Innovation costs money too so the flip
side of that
I think to play Devil's Advocate is that
it incentivizes automotive industry is
it probably a good example of that it
incentivizes
uh cutting costs everywhere and sort of
whatever that's been making you money
currently figuring out how to do that
really well
without investing into the long-term
future of the company for like all the
different ways it can pivot all the
different interesting things it could do
in terms of investing into r d whenever
there's more and more and more pressure
I'm paying a living wage for the workers
it might not again it might suffocate
and die over the next 5 10 20 years
uh which might be
a good destructive force from a
capitalist perspective but it might rob
us of the Einstein of a company right of
the of the flourishing that the company
and the workers within it
can do over a period of 5 10 20 years
well this is just a problem with a lot
of capitalism which is about
short-termism right because the same
thing could be said from you starting a
company you have a plan for it to make a
lot of money but your investors want you
want dividends right away so you have to
uh
take away from your long-term r d or
other plans and deliver short-term uh
dividends that's often why a lot of I
think r d is often rooted in state
institutions and research and whatever
else is being drawn on and and also I
think that that's a reason why
you know the state has some sort of role
in fostering firms in either a my
version of a socialist economy or a
capitalist economy or whatever else to
help with these time Horizon uh problems
so I won't dispute that workers could
play a role or wage demands could play a
role in time Horizon problems but more
often than that it's coming from
investors it's coming from just a host
of other Market pressures that people
might might have and I would say that in
the real world a lot of investment funds
don't come from just retained earnings
it comes from a lot of you know sources
so I think this is a problem that could
be solved through public policy but
definitely exists today as well so you
mentioned living wage
is there is there a tension between a
living wage
and maybe you could speak to what a
living wage means and the workers owning
all of the profit of the company
sort of uh this kind of spectrum no I
guess the spectrum is from
like no no minimum wage the lowest
possible thing you could pay to a worker
than somewhere in that spectrum is a
living wage and then at the at the top
is like uh all of the profit from the
companies owned by the workers
so split to the workers
I mean I think that any society is going
to have to make distributional
um choices
um you could have imagined a variety of
capitalism in which workers are paid
quite little but there's extremely high
taxation and there's redistribution
after the fact you can imagine a system
in which there's less taxation after the
fact but there's more guarantees and
regulations how much people are paid
before the fact
in my vision of a social Society there
would be some other way that unions work
and in my exempt these centralized uh
bargaining Unions would work that
bargain at the sectoral level and not
just at the Enterprise level like our
unions do do today
um
there could be benchmarks set for
different occupations or wages and the
reason why you would want to Benchmark
at a worker controlled firm is that you
don't want workers self-exporting
themselves in order to gobble up market
share or because you don't want them
collectively deciding okay we're going
to invest in this longer term time
Horizon and out-compete other people
that way so you might say okay if you do
this sort of clerical work you have to
be paid the equivalent of fifteen
dollars an hour that's minimum but on
top of that you get
um you get uh you know dividends from
from excess profits
um and I think it would also have to be
combined with
um public financing for expansions and
for development which could be done in
quite a competitive way so you could
have a variety of of banks you know in
my vision you know state-owned Banks but
what how would they decide who to
um invest in and who to not and invest
in who to give a loan for expansion to
and who not to because you don't want it
to be like Oh I'm going to invest in my
my nephew's firm and not this other firm
or I'm going to vote best and this guy's
firm because he's an Italian but not
this guy's firm because he's Albanian or
whatever else just make it
rational at the level of their goal is
just like any other
um investment person at a bank today to
maintain a certain risk profile and to
have an interest yield
and decide to invest on on that basis so
if there's a huge Automotive firm that
has been on business for 50 years that
needs a little operating cash like yeah
they could get their 50 million dollars
their three percent loan if you have
some crazy blue sky idea and you manage
to get it to that that point like maybe
you knew friends would get it at you
know 12 or something close to whatever
VC would offer today so I only kind of
go into these details not because to say
that
a system doesn't have to in advance
map out all the different possibilities
but I think it does have to be willing
to accept a lot of things we know today
you know I can't give you a version of
socialism that's everything's going to
be fine we're going to live harmoniously
and we won't have these sort of tensions
and you know you could hunt in the
evening and you know fish in the you
know afternoon and write criticism you
know whatever else
um I do hope that there's Horizons
Beyond this that we can aspire to I do
have those Visions but for now I think
our task as socialists is to imagine a
you know five minutes after you know
midnight like what what can we do right
away within our lifetime
um Vision so that means
through some level of central planning
reallocating resources to the workers
so I think the primary mechanism in this
private sector under socialism would be
a market mechanism firms competing
against each other to expand uh
connected to a system of public
financing but even at that level the
individual
um bankers and and public Banks and so
on would be operating based on their own
rationality and the state would
certainly shape investment decisions but
maybe no more than they do in a lot of
capitalist systems so the state might
already today and a lot of countries
decide
you know we want to invest in Green
Technology so it's going to be favorable
rates for people or tax credits for
people investing in Green Technology so
the state already shapes investment
um I think what should be centrally
planned and this is where like I'm proud
to sound like an old school socialist is
things like um Healthcare things like
um Transit things like our
um natural monopolies of lots of types
uh you know I think can be done very
well through
um through planning and we already have
plenty of examples but a lot of this
Society I think would be would be the
the private sphere of worker controlled
cooperatives uh competing against each
other weak firms failing uh successful
firms expanded and the banks you're
saying publicly or privately owned
publicly owned
let's just put it all on the table that
it's almost guaranteed that every system
has corruption so I guess the bigger
question is which system has more
corruption uh
the this this one with Central planning
and worker cooperatives versus uh
unfettered capitalism or any flavor of
capitalism I think any system has
potential for corruption I think it it
depends on like how good your civil
service is how how much oversight do you
have to resolve a problem once it arises
how does corruption happen in the social
system so you have to again I I
apologize but the large-scale examples
of it so we can we can look at Soviet
Union China and Sweden
uh fundamentally different nations and
histories and peoples and economic
systems and political systems but all
could be called in part socialists
and so what you know there there's a
ridiculous almost caricature of
corruption in the Soviet system the
gigantic bureaucracy that's built
um where somehow corruption seeps in
through kind of
dispersion of responsibility
that nobody's really responsible for the
corruption
I just had a conversation with Ed
Calderon who fought the the cartels in
Mexico and there's a huge amount of
corruption in my in Mexico but it's it's
not like even seen as corruption you're
you understand when the cop pulls you
over you give this much money and so on
and so that kind of seems to happen in
certain systems and it seems to have
happened in Social systems more than in
capital systems in the 20th century or
maybe I'm wrong on that no I mean I
think in a lot of countries it's seen as
the cost of doing business right now in
particular countries built on a system
of central planning or just State
allocation resources for the state both
producers and and allocates and things
run through bureaucracies
then I think you're you're much more apt
to have corruption than in a system with
just a smaller Sphere for the state so
for example if you're in a hypothetical
version of the U.S you might see a lot
more corruption like the post office but
you know you wouldn't have that
corruption in your workplace so you kind
of learned to go around that
um
for one thing even in state sectors you
can have and as often is the case in
Democratic countries you have
um a transparent Civil Service where
people who are corrupt are prosecuted by
judges where it's frowned upon and it
just over time it goes away so you go
from having political machines that were
tied to certain you know had friends
with certain police precincts and
whatever else in the U.S in the the 19th
century and early 20th century to now
today that would be a huge Scandal and
unheard of right so I think over time
having a a
um
Independent Court System having a a
truly meritocratic civil service can be
implemented anywhere I think though in
the Soviet Union the extra
little bit that that happened was you
had a bureaucracy that just had so much
power because the bureaucracy was
producing and distributing everything
and everyone was relying on the
bureaucracy with jobs the way to social
advancement uh was through the
bureaucracies so you end up with people
like Khrushchev you know people going
from peasants to
um you know Supreme leaders of of
countries just through like getting
hooked up in the bureaucracy and
advancing within it um and you know not
all these were bad people I don't think
Khrushchev was that bad of a person or
Gorbachev you know they they but this is
their mechanism to advancement in
systems like this in the vision of
democratic socialism that I propose
the state doesn't have that overriding
uh Power to begin with but I think in
either case you know
um corruption has arose in many
different systems and has been
successfully
um dealt with I think on the
developmental trajectory of even
countries today that we think of as
being very corrupt
um corruption will will
um you know fade away as well but you
definitely need
a system in which
um individuals act
um individual are incentivized to act
rationally so if you're in a system in
which cops who are corrupt are
prosecuted and investigated and there's
internal controls a civilian Board
review and kind of an internal
investigators within police departments
or whatever else there will be less
corruption over time if people are
punished if you're in a system in which
if you're running a firm you're the
manager of a firm and elected manager
and everyone at that firm is trying for
more efficiency and trying for more
excess profits or whatever else at the
end of the day you know dividends at the
end of the day then if you try to hire
your nephew and he's not good at your
job you're not going to win re-election
right so you you shouldn't
I think no system should rely on a
change in culture that come naturally or
some sort of individual altruism I think
the systems have to be constructed in
such a way that it's not rational to
behave poorly in sort of from a
theoretical perspective
either socialist or capitalist system
can have
can have either culture
but it seems like if you prior to
prioritize meritocracy
if the people that are good whatever the
good means in terms of Integrity in
terms of performance in terms of
competence it's it seems like that leads
to a less corrupt system and it seems
like capitalism there's all kinds of
flavors of capitalism but capitalism
because it does prioritize meritocracy
more often leads to less corruption so
that's that's not a question of
political or economic systems the
question of what kind of stuff do you
talk about that leads to a culture of
less corruption
first of all I think in Theory maybe
capitalism words meritocracy
but I think in practice anyone watching
this or you and me would think of some
of the people we know that were the
hardest and they're often you know
Working Class People working the food
service industry or whatever else right
um I I think we we don't have
um in practice I don't think we actually
live in a society that rewards people
for hard work I think we reward people
for a combination of accidents of birth
plus hard work
let me push back because uh yes so I
agree with you but let me push back on
on a subtle point because I like to draw
the difference between hard work
and meritocracy because as a person who
works really hard like I work crazy hard
but I've also worked with a lot of
people they're just much better than me
it's a hard work does not equal skill
good productive I just want to kind of
draw that distinction but I agree with
you
I don't think our society Rewards
uh directly hard work or even high skill
there's many examples at least we can
see that it does not do so so we have an
unequal distribution of talent of course
so if we lived in society in which there
was some level of acceptable inequality
and it's a normative kind of the
question of how much we would say is
acceptable right
um and that inequality was based on this
unequal distribution of talent then I
think that would be fine with me right
that would actually be a meritocracy
what I see in the U.S is often
okay so if you are a upper middle class
or rich kid and you get a good education
you know K-12
um
out of those people there will be some
that work extra hard and go on to do
incredible things or very successful and
there'll be other people that
um do not right and and decide for
whatever reason or go down a different
path and you could say maybe among that
group of the alpha middle class you know
there is a meritocracy right
um but they're actually given those
opportunities to make their own
decisions and to to fail whereas many
many other people the vast majority of
American society I would say 60 plus
percent don't really get those
opportunities to make those choices to
to begin with and I would aspire to the
type of world at least as a as a first
step in which
um our only inequalities are based on
the our unequal um innate kind of
distributions of talent yeah I I guess a
lot of people worry that when you have a
a socialist in any degree Central
planning or perhaps a collective of
workers that it won't result in that
kind of meritocracy that you're talking
about but you're saying that no it's
possible to have that kind of
meritocracy think about it this way the
workers themselves are incentivized and
are shaped by market forces too right
they're trying to to respond to Consumer
needs and preferences they're trying to
expand market share they're trying to
make make money so it requires no kind
of leap into these people are going to
be more altruistic or whatever else even
on Purely Bourgeois terms the same way
you would maybe justify you know
competitive capitalist firms I think you
could justify this this system as long
as you think that that people elected
management can perform just as well I
think based on the experiences of
cooperatives we've seen that they they
can and then at the state level State
bureaucracies have their own sort of
sets of of of incentives but in most
systems that already have extensive
State bureaucracies of these people at
high levels are are appointed or
electeds they're held to certain
standards at the national level a
national government wants to maintain
you know the tax revenue that they need
to pay for school services so we already
I think have incentive structures that
you could say that some people might
just I think disagree with the normative
thing of like why would people have to
own their own means of production
control their workplaces or whatever
else uh why do we need this level of
equality
um can't we just get by with our
existing system but just like make
things a little bit easier for
capitalists to make money and then
everyone will benefit whatever else I
mean that's a normative question and my
vision of socialism there'll be plenty
of you know multiple parties with
different views and perspectives trying
to either push us deeper into more
radical forms of Socialism or on the
other hand to kind of roll back to you
know more capitalist forms of of
government so I think that again you
can't try to make up a perfect system
and try to implement it you have to you
know do it as a process democratically
and and so on so just philosophically in
your gut
you're more concerned about the innate
equal value of human beings versus the
efficiency of this wonderful mechanism
that we call human civilization are
producing cool stuff
just like a gut if we were sitting at a
bar that's where the gut feeling you
come with of course your mind is open
but you you want to protect the equal
value of humans
so I don't want to fight the
hypothetical so I'll say equality I am
concerned with with equality but I don't
think the two are necessarily always in
tension but but also when you think
about all the great things that human
beings have produced
often I think people today just look at
the end outcome like we go to the
pyramids and we'll Marvel at the
pyramids and and the human achievement
that it took to make it happen but we
won't you know stop to think about all
the suffering that went into the making
of that thing so I think we kind of lean
in the opposite direction where we model
at our achievements but we don't often
think about the suffering or
exploitation that went into certain
human achievements I would love a
society in which
we could Marvel at things and not have
to worry about the exportation that was
involved because there was no
exploitation or oppression involved
there was just human Ingenuity and
creativity and collaboration and to the
degree which you may disagree to the
degree there's a tension between the two
at least give equal way to the
consideration of the suffering
and don't just marvel at the beauty of
the Creations to the degree there is a
tension between them what what Stalin
did actually too it's not just capitals
but what Stalin did was he sacrificed
whole Generations because he thought
that he was building something for the
future for future Russians to to enjoy
and for future people of the world to to
enjoy and actually that analogy that I
just gave by the pyramids was
um was written by Carl kotsky the German
socialist anti-stalinist critic when he
was complaining about U.S journalists
and others going to Russia in the 1930s
and marveling at all the new Industries
you know are these people blind to the
suffering you know Behind these things
they're marveling about speaking of
which I think you mentioned in the
context of
a social democracy that freedom of
speech and freedom of the press
or basically the freedom of people to
have a voice is an important component
which I think is something that caught
my ear a little bit because if you think
about the Soviet Union one of the ways
uh that the authoritarian regime was
able to control
it's almost part of the central planning
is you have to control the message and
you have to limit the freedom of the
press so there's a kind of notion
especially in like
ideas or maybe caricatures of the ideas
of cultural Marxism
sometimes caricatured even furthers
wokeism that you want to be careful the
speech with speech you want the sense of
speech because some speech hurts people
uh so in some sense you want to respect
the value the equality of human beings
by being careful with the words you say
so what is there attention there for you
I think there's no tension and in part I
think that it is very condescending or
patronizing for to assume that people
can't take debate that people can't
um either a society or individuals
visually be
um engaged in the exchange of ideas
um without or even very vigorous debate
without
um you know being broken by it it's just
not the case
I'm basically a free speech absolutist I
mean I would draw the line it obviously
um direct incitements of violence or
certain other
um speech like that but in general you
think a lot of people would be surprised
to hear that
no I mean not not people who know my
work I mean more generally I think a lot
of people on the right
um even in the center I think might have
the idea that a lot of the far left
wants to censor them I think some of the
center left won't censor them but I
think a lot on on the far left on the
the Marxist or socialist left I think
that
um you know free speech is
um more or less the the norm yeah where
is the the imperative descents are
coming from is this just some small
subset of the left on Twitter is there
some philosophical idea behind certain
groups that like if we're to steal me on
the case and which group actually has uh
the the interests of humanity in mind uh
in wanting to censor speech I think we
might need to just take it Case by case
for an example by example because
honestly I
I I would have to think about a
particular case but let's just say
generally that a lot of American
liberalism
rightly sees the
um revolution around the Civil Rights
and later the extension of this writes
Revolution for gay rights and and so on
as being
um a very positive achievement of the
last half century and I completely agree
now for me
now that we've won those rights a lot of
our Battle For Change needs to go beyond
the representational realm and needs to
really reground itself in the material
bread and butter struggles of ordinary
people trying to survive uh the the
battle for uh good health care for all
Americans and so on these are my
immediate demands I think there's a
segment of American liberalism that
doesn't want to go in that
confrontational economic Direction and
wants to skirt away from battles over
things like Universal Health Care and so
on and really are just still caught at
this battle over rights representation
and it's devolved in such a way that
they feel like they need to make change
the way they make changes only through
interventions and culture because they
don't really have the same sense of
class and class struggle that agree or
disagree with it it's a very material
plane so instead you know they look at
committee Indians who said the wrong
thing or they look at
um you know all sorts of other ways to
make change it's not really making a
change it's just making them look bad
and making our culture worse and
um I think that's where a lot of it
comes from but I I think that a lot of
uh the left even the left that's much
more into battles over
um you know race and lots of other stuff
like real serious anti-anti-racist on
the left of course I'm an anti-racist
but a lot of my my work is focused on
the Primacy of class but even these
people are very concerned about material
struggles and issues and they don't
really care about you know these issues
they think are
um ephemeral kind of issues so when you
focus
exclusively on language that somehow
leads you astray like on being concerned
about language without of
um like deeper economic inequalities and
so on you you just become an asshole
that's on Twitter pointing out how
everything
how how racist that woman is so the
anti-racism becomes a caricature of
anti-racism exactly because anti-racism
was really about the struggle of people
for equal rights and voting it was about
the struggle for people who were trapped
into you know bad neighborhoods because
they were they couldn't get decent jobs
in their neighborhoods or redlined or
whatever else it was really like a
struggle for survival and what was the
main uh demands like the language of
this one it was a the March for for jobs
and freedom it was the slogan I am a man
you know asserting the kind of universal
Dignity of of people this is what the
Civil Rights Movement was was about and
it wasn't surprised there was a lot of
self-described socialists people like
Baird Russian Bayard Rustin hey Phil
Randolph uh Martin Luther King Jr
I mean these were people who who were
Ella Baker they were socialists you know
and and
um I think a lot of Americans agree with
them with their immediate demands even
though they weren't themselves uh
socialist but it was a very
materialistic struggle and I think a lot
of this has been co-opted into just some
sort of vague and you know just
disconcerting complaints about language
or or culture and so on uh Martin Luther
King was a socialist to a degree was he
a socialist I I would love to learn
about that Martin Luther King I think
broadly called himself at various points
his life a Christian socialist or a
Democratic
um socialist especially after his
um speech against the Vietnam war in the
Riverside Church I think that was 67 the
last years of his life he became much
more involved in struggles against the
war and also struggles
um for workers rights you know he was
assassin when he was at a rally at
workers ride so he thought the next
battle was going to be an economic
battle he had this famous line where he
said
I don't just want to integrate the lunch
counter if it means that we can't afford
to order a burger while we're there you
know that was the line along those lines
and I think that got to his point where
the Civil Rights struggle was part of a
of a step of building some sort of wider
movement so he and these other civil
rights leaders were very much interested
in working with organized labor working
with
um you know the left as it was
constructed then and building some sort
of mass space for not just rights but
redistribution
it's fascinating it's fascinating which
figures self-identified and were in part
socialists Albert Einstein was one
Albert Einstein Albert Einstein wrote an
article for the first issue of this
um left-wing
um magazines actually still publishing
today called monthly review and I think
1949 and his his article is called by
socialism I don't think it's paywalled
so so people should should check it out
but yeah Einstein was one huh
ah so probably the central idea is the
pacifist the anti-war idea for him
or no honestly it's been so many years
since I since I read it I think it was
more about
um I think it was actually more
economically focused but I I would need
to go back and but is uh is war in
general a part
of the fundamental ideas the Socialists
are again Democratic socialists are
against like what's the relation between
socialism and War
so I think that traditionally in the
Socialist movement war was associated
with
um capitalist competition and
international competition and you can
look at World War one is very much a
case where different nations were
competing with each other and developing
quite uh violent rivalries that was in
part based on competition and the
periphery over access to markets and
colonies and and whatever else so it was
very easy to draw a direct correlation
um
I am opposed to
to more um I'm opposed to imperialism
the domination of strong Nations you
know dominating
um smaller Nations
um I wouldn't call myself a pacifist I
think most socialists wouldn't call
themselves pacifists because there are
some struggles that are worth fighting
for you know there's National Liberation
struggles and so on where if there's no
Democratic Avenue for for change you
know positive change has been made
through through armed revolts around
colonialism and whatnot but we're living
in an age where hopefully
um you know I know neither of us have
children are our children or children
children you know in the future won't
have to live through war and that is one
thing that as uh countries have gotten
more developed
um as the world has changed we've
actually seen less and less war like I
won't dispute Pinker on on this I think
it's true
um obviously Putin's invasion of Ukraine
and you know the conflict in Ethiopia is
like kind of an exception but on the on
the whole I think we're we're going in
that in that uh Direction but I think
it's always been you know a major
organizing plank of socialists uh
against a war and against just kind of
this sense of
right-wing nationalism and national
identity that often leads to war and
obviously not everyone on the right has
embraced that a lot of Libertarians are
consistently anti-war as well but I
think the right ideologically has been
associated with war even if some
Advocates of capitalism have not been
then there's the military industrial
complex which is the financial machine
of the whole thing I I presume
well well since a lot of that is
government what's the relationship to
socialism and the military-industrial
complex
well a lot of it's government contracts
but it's privately produced right by
companies like Lockheed Martin and
things like that
um you could draw a very crude
materialist connection between any of
these things and to kind of prove an
ideological point but we could produce
just as many arms and then just bury
them or never fire them off or whatever
whatever else obviously there are
companies that have a vested interest in
um heightening up tensions or saying
that we need to buy a new weapon system
to be prepared for a conventional war
with China Russia uh meanwhile I think
we all know that if there's going to be
conventional war between these countries
like it's gonna
you know it's going to lead to something
worse
um and and you know no amount of
advanced fighter jets is going to make a
make a difference
um but I try to avoid crude or causal
connections even though there are
relationships like it's kind of like
um the old slogan which was quite an
effective slogan in the early 2000s at
my my first anti-war marches when I was
a teenager I definitely have shouted it
but kind of no war for oil like both is
like correct in that it gets to what
people's senses of like what's going on
how it's bad but also like analytically
it's kind of wanting to explain what
really happened or why we ended up in
the you know in the Middle East which is
like a much more complex geopolitical
story
yeah and it is a story of geopolitics
it's perhaps less a story of capitalism
or socialism it's a story
um yeah it's a it's a geopolitical story
that I think actually operates outside
of the economic system of individual
Nations it has to do more with
honestly in part egos of leaders
um and there's a international battle
for resources
but surely there's alternatives
yeah definitely and I think that part of
what being a socialist is is about
dreaming in the long term about a
different sort of world without in my
mind needless divisions of people into
nations with standing armies you know
I'm sure we'll still have pride about
where we're from and there's still be a
distinctive cultural features and so on
about where we're from uh we definitely
would at least for the foreseeable
future be divided into
um places as like administrative units
but the idea that there should be a
Mexican Army and an American Army and a
Russian army and a Ukrainian Army is
just on the face of it I think in the
long run will be seen as ridiculous just
like we see it as ridiculous today
looking back at the idea that you know
um
a um Lord from London would you know be
engaged in civil Strife with the Lord
from like Liverpool and a bunch of
peasants will die would die you know
just kind of on the face of it just
seems kind of ridiculous these different
places would have their own banners and
Lords and armies I think in the long run
you might have to zoom out a thousand
years but in the long run people will
say the same about nation states and
standing armies and battles over you
know specks of of dirt that mean nothing
in a cosmic sense
yeah I know for sure aliens would laugh
at us or humans that go far beyond Earth
and look at the history
hmm well most of the history will be
forgotten
because if humans successfully expand
onto the universe just the scale of
civilization will grow so fast that the
the bickering of the first few thousand
years of human history will be seem
insignificant there's a very markless
idea that I both appreciate in one way
but on the other hand it's kind of scary
which is that you know um human history
is only now beginning before we're in
prehistory yeah but in the future like
we'll be in kind of real history
um you know I think that that a lot of
really important history has already
happened and and um and I think
posterity will will remember and I think
that it will be easier to sign
um you know certain people the role of
like villains the people
um you know not to engage in the
contentious topic off topic of Ukraine
or whatever else but the idea that you
know one government or man would launch
a you know more to recover you know um
or to take you you know several hundred
square miles of territory and tens of
thousands of people die I think seems
absurd to us many people today luckily
but it would not have seemed absurd 50
60 years ago it would have just been a
normal thing right this kind of
territorial disputes and so on and I
think you know projecting in the future
I think within our lifetimes we'll live
to see
um that kind of conflict be uh
eradicated and in part you could say
that
like why I think it's because of popular
pressure and organization so you could
say kind of the pro worker socialist
organizing part of it making it less
normal if you're a capitalist you could
say well markets are more interlinked so
war is even more irrational
um I don't really have a firm answer or
whatever it is you know I think it's a
good thing
you mentioned Marx's view of History
it's kind of interesting to just briefly
talk about what do you think of it what
do you think of this um Marx's view of
how the different systems evolve from
the perspective of class struggle as we
were talking about
well I fundamentally I'm a Marxist I
fundamentally believe in in the broad
Contours of of historical materialism
but I think we should be clear of what
Marxist theory tells us and what it
doesn't tell us you know I think Marxist
theory tells us pertinent things about
how societies have evolved about how the
distributional resources work in any
given Society who owns who doesn't how
um the conflict distributional conflicts
and so on I think Marxism can tell tell
us a lot because Surplus is distributed
exactly exactly
what it can tell us is like
um as a friend put it like the a sex
appeal of blue jeans or whatever else
you know that that's that's beyond what
Marxism is meant to do what economic
system can tell us about the sex appeal
blue jeans no economic system but
socialism in the Soviet sense when it
was turned into you know the
soviet-style dialectical materialism was
meant to tell us everything from
um you know explain uh genetics and
Agriculture and whatever else
um in a very disastrous way you know so
I definitely don't believe in the
application of these these ideas in an
extremely wide uh way and also I'm a
Marxist because it's a framework that
helps me understand pertinent facts
about the world
um if at some point I no longer think so
think the framework is doing that I will
not be a Marxist but I'm a socialist on
normative grounds because I have certain
beliefs about the equality of people
because I I believe in it we should have
a society with Liberty with equality
with fraternity
and that I hope I'll always be a
socialist until the day I die but it's
kind of a very un uh scientific or
unserious thing to say this is my
framework from beginning to end you know
for the rest of my life but from a
perspective history you should say that
so Mark says that you go through
societies go through different stages
it could be crudely summarizes uh
primitive communism
imperialism maybe slave Society
feudalism
uh defined by mercantilism
and then capitalism and socialism and
finally uh stateless communism communism
is am I there I miss something there I
mean I think that was that was close
enough I mean I think that's definitely
uh true of of Marxist theory that the
contradictions of capitalism
the fact that it has brought together
all these workers uh all these materials
and whatever else and it's now allowing
it to socially create wealth on a mass
scale
but that wealth is that process is being
privately uh directed and also the
Surplus is being privately kind of
appropriated
um is a contradiction and that would
lead to uh some sort of rebellion or
revolution or change and we'll have and
eventually this contradiction would be
ephetter on production too so we would
have to move uh into socialist uh
Society but actually just to backtrack
so in terms of contradiction so it
starts when we're in a village
hunter-gatherers that's what you call
primitive communism where everyone's
kind of equal it's kind of a collective
right all right maybe you could just
just let me hold on a second and then
inequalities form of different flavors
so that's what imperialism is is one
dude Rises to the top and has some
control of different flavor that's what
feudalism with when you have one dude at
the top and you have Merchants doing
some trading and so on and then that
leads to capitalism we have private
ownership of companies and they do some
they they result in some kind of class
inequality and eventually
that results in a revolution that says
no that's this inequality is not okay
it's not natural it doesn't respect the
value of human beings and therefore it
goes to socialism where there is
under Marx's View
I guess some role for the state
the state is doing some redistribution
and then the pure communism at the end
is when it's uh uh you know like it's a
collective where there's no State
centralized power
so is this what's part of that is wrong
no I think and broadly the Marxist
theory of History
is about different types different modes
of of production that existed various
times
um based on material
um conditions so in the early times in
this this Theory
um there was not much Surplus being
generated right and there was generally
egalitarian societies
and then
um as we became agricultural as Society
developed there was more Surplus being
produced
then there was a group of people the
ruling classes of their their age that
controlled and distributed that
that controlled that division of labor
and appropriated more of that Surplus
for themselves and they weren't involved
in productive labor in early print of
society everybody's involved in
productive labor later on you had casts
of priests who did nothing but kind of
pray and write and and kind of lecture
people all day right and you had
um Kings and rulers and bureaucrats and
traitors and so on you have a more
complex division of labor but also more
inequity
um driving out of that
um
capitalism was a revolutionary system
because it took away one it made us
tremendously more productive right it
expanded production beyond our wildest
imaginations but it also no longer bound
uh workers to their lord or manner or
whatever else they were now free to move
free to engage in contracts with
employers and and and so on
um but even though workers are now
producing all this tremendous wealth and
even though productive forces had been
matured in such a way
they were ultimately taken away from all
the wealth they were created they got
some of it back they were in wealthy
societies but they were all there
collectively together producing this
well and that was a potent Force so Marx
theorized that would lead to a
revolution or change in a in a socialist
Direction I think in fact what we saw
was that
yes workers are dependent on
on capitalists are depend on workers
but the dependency is
um
obviously symmetrical in the sense that
workers are also dependent on
capitalists but in fact it's an
asymmetrical dependency and that
ordinary workers need their jobs more
than capitalists need the contribution
of individual workers
so it became kind of a collective action
problem
where you would need the massive workers
to get together decide to change things
but also people be afraid because they'd
be dependent on their jobs for their
livelihood and so on so Revolution
became a lot harder than people thought
especially in Democratic countries where
workers had certain outlets and certain
powers and rights and responsibility you
know it's no surprise that where you did
have socialist revolutions they were in
places like
um the third world postcolonial colonial
states trying to emerge out of
colonialism they were in places like you
know China and Russia autocratic
countries and never in a advanced
capitalist country
now
in Marx's theory of History even as
interpreted by a lot of smart marxists
like uh GA Cohen and others
um there is a certain inevitability to
socialism after capitalism the way that
I would put it myself is I kind of have
a more I guess you could say like
kantian view of it like I think
socialism is something that ought to
happen
but it's not something that necessarily
will happen and we'll need to organize
and persuade and also potentially again
the key part of any social system that's
Democratic is you have to allow for the
possibility of a democratic revision to
a different sort of system so I'd be
more than happy in my vision of
socialism for there to be capitalist
parties
um getting you know in my hopefully
three four five percent of the vote
maybe a lot more in the same way that in
the U.S or Republic we could right now
have a monarchist party no one's going
to support a moniker Sparty in the in
the U.S in serious
um numbers although that's gaining
popularity in Europe or else no in uh
isn't there in the anarchist tradition
isn't there aren't they saying that one
of the ways you could have a leaders in
monarchy because they're more directly
responsible to the citizens if you have
a leader it's healthier to have a
monarch anyway I'm not yeah I've heard
this stated the left-wing Anarchist
Traditions like um anarchosynicalism or
whatever else like that their slogan is
kind of
um no Kings no Gods no Masters or
whatever so no bosses so they they
definitely would not agree with that but
I'm you know not familiar enough
anarchism is runs a gamut from left to
right and interesting I'll I'll have to
ask about it I'll have to ask you about
that but yeah okay so you're uh you're
not you don't believe Marx's theory of
history in the sense that it everything
every stage is a natural consequence of
every other stage of course he would
predict that somebody like you must
exist in order for the for the those
stages to go from one to the next
because you might because you have to
believe ought
in order for Action to be taken to
inspire the populace to take actions so
two things one is I do broadly believe
in Marxist theory of History because
it's just explaining how uh productive
forces develop and the relations of
production in any uh given system
I guess there's a theory of transition
from capitalism to socialism that Marx
didn't really spell out but it was kind
of implied they it would naturally
happen and Marx was living in an era of
tremendous upheaval you know Marx
himself actually saw when he was living
in in London in the 1870s uh the Paris
commune when workers took over for just
a few months but they took over the
producers of Paris took over the city
basically created their own government
their own system
um and so on so he was living through an
era of upheaval and angles especially
over song was the mentor to all these
Rising
um socialist parties so he was very
close closely collaborating with
socialists in places like Britain and
Germany when they were drafting their
first programs
um for the Social Democratic party so
it felt like this was gonna happen and
felt like this Rising working class
would take power but I think the
stability of the system was
underestimated it's easy to see the
contradictions in the system but can you
see its mechanisms of stability
um the way in which
um Mass Collective action or revolution
is more of the exception or the the norm
could you imagine if your marks not only
how much wealth the system would produce
over time uh which I think he could have
imagined but also developments like the
welfare state and mass democracy and
universal suffrage which might have
changed how workers um relate to the
system or operate
um within it so I think it's just it's
just the transition part that I think
wasn't spelled out properly but I think
in either case
as socialists we can assume that history
is working in our favor we just need to
kind of hold out and wait for the
inevitable uh Revolution we have to
convince people of both one the struggle
for day-to-day reforms and why it's
important to be politically organized
why it's important to be a member of a
union or to advocate for things like a
universal healthcare or whatever else to
try to kind of build the cohesion and
sense of self of the the class
I then ultimately
for the desirability once we accomplish
it once we build social democracy of
going Beyond social democracy which is
of course the challenge now I don't
think it requires leadership from the
outside I think there are plenty of
organic leaders that have emerged from
the working class that have advocated
for for socialism uh from the working
class and if you look at the class
composition during the Glory Days of the
European socialist parties I mean this
was very much a working class
um parties and organizations it's only
been the last like 30 years it's been
taken over by professionals and you know
not
on coincidentally you know they they
have um uh accomplished very little in
those those 30 years
so that's the Practical in the program
can we actually jump to the
to the at the horizon
as you mentioned uh as a social
democratulate you focus on the policies
of today but you also have a vision and
dream of a future and so Marx did as
well so the perfect communism at the end
can you can you describe that world and
also is there elements that world that's
that has elements of anarchism so again
like I said there's Michael Mouse next
door so uh like a narco communism I
don't even know if I'm using that term
correctly but basically no central
control can you describe what that world
looks like yeah I think the traditional
socialist vision of kind of if you want
to call it full communism would be very
similar to the anarchist
um vision of a world without uh coercion
Mass abundance and so on I myself don't
share that Vision
um
I believe that we will always need to
have a state in some form as a way to
one um
even just mediate difference I think
traditionally a lot of marxists have
thought that after you remove the
primary contradiction quote unquote of
class
that the other all other political
questions would be resolved and I think
that's a lot behind a lot of the
thinking of we're gonna have a full
communism after politics
I don't think there will be an after
politics I think for one thing let's say
I'll give you another Northeast example
let's say me and you were trying to with
different groups of people we're trying
to figure out how to build a crossing of
the Hudson River and for various reasons
you and the people around you want to
build a bridge me and the people around
me need uh want to build a tunnel
that's a question that you will probably
need a mediation for right you'll need
one it's a big project so there'll be a
very complex division of labor and so on
but even beyond that just politically
um you will need the state to mediate
the difference you'll need to have a
vote have a vote that people trust have
institutions of people trust
um and and so on to make a decision
Society is never going to go beyond that
decision making you don't think it's
possible outside of the state to create
stable voting mechanisms
or as human nature can always seep into
that
I just wonder why we would have to if
the state is democratic and responsive
the state is an authoritarian
so it might not be called a state but it
would function as a state right but why
not just call it a state but in other
words like if you don't have something
like that then don't you have a greater
risk of tyranny or Tyrant emerging in
the vacuum so I think people's fear of
this state is what would happen if the
state had too much power and I think
that's legitimate Fair that's why we
have Democratic kind of checks on state
power and and certain guarantees and of
freedom and so on
but
yeah I guess I just wonder I'm more
afraid of the vacuum and not having a
democratic responsive State and and what
the world would turn into and also I'm
just not a utopian thinker if that makes
sense like I I like to think that
Dominique egalitarian thinker I'm a
socialist but
my mind just goes to like you know I
could see a vision of the future that I
would like like 50 60 years from now
um maybe there's some sort of future of
super abundance and Automation and
there's some sort of techno utopian
future we don't want some of those
things that that would exist in my
um you know five minutes from now vision
of socialism but I just don't see it and
in general I'm kind of wary of visions
of change that seem like they're not
built off little thing pieces that we
have now and not built of history and
experience and whatever else like I
don't want a year or zero I don't even
like the term prehistory because I think
there's a lot
in history that I want you know I want I
want Shakespeare under socialism you
know I want I want a lot of things that
that I think we should be grateful for
um there's a part of tradition that I
think that exists that's hierarchical
and exploitative and whatever else but
there's another part of tradition that's
our sense of place and belonging and our
connection with the past and hopefully
the the future and I I want to keep that
yeah so you're worried about Revolution
or otherwise the vacuum being created
and you're worried about the
the things that might fill that vacuum
so the anarchists often worry
about the
the same mechanism of the state that
controls voting
or keeps voting robust and resilient and
stable the same mechanism also having a
monopoly on violence
and so that's the tension so they're
very they get very nervous about a
central place having a monopoly on
violence whereas if there is going to be
a place within Monopoly on violence
let's just say we temporarily take that
for granted
should it not be a place with a skilled
elected accountable transparent civil
service with a democratic mandate and so
on yeah yeah yeah yeah we'll put uh
speaking of AI just just to go on that
tangent do you think it's possible to
have a future world at least for 50
years 50 100 years
where AI there's an AI sort of central
planning
sort of the we remove some of the human
elements that I think get us into a lot
of trouble like you could you can take a
perspective on the Soviet Union then the
flaws of the system there have less to
do with the different ideologies more to
do with the humans and the vacuums and
how humans fill vacuums and the
corrupting nature power and so on if we
have ai that it's it's more data driven
and it's not susceptible to the human
elements is it possible to imagine such
a world almost like a from a Sci-Fi
perspective maybe in the future you can
imagine certain calculation problems
that Rose during Central planning solve
through advanced computing
but I would say that there's another
whole set of problems with the system
that were incentive problems and I'm not
sure how that advanced Computing would
solve the incentive problems of how do
you get people to actually produce
things that other people want
um kind of that informational question
and how do you communicate without
endless meetings or someone reading your
brain yeah what do you actually want
um so so there's there's that kind of
informational question but then there's
the incentive of you know how do you get
people to work efficiently at work and
how do you get uh firms to
um to use their resources that they're
getting more more efficiently and I
think
so solving the calculation problem
solves some of these questions but not
all of them
but you know that's kind of a who knows
but if you're a vision of the future
requires some sort of
leap into a technological unknown that's
very hard to advocate for it today it's
exciting to consider the possibility of
Technology empowering uh a better
reallocation of resources if if you care
about a kind of
uh the innate value of human beings and
think of the mechanism of reallocation
resources good way to empower that
equality that it's nice to remove the
human element from that like if you work
really hard
and you're really good at your job it's
nice to be really data driven in
allocating more resources to you
so
kind of like I kind of think that the
agency part requires
human beings and conscious human
activity so I think if you have a sort
of
planning system that works
um and let's say the technology is there
for it to work
I would want it to be Democratic
planning in such a way there is a human
element there is some debate and
deliberation Society and also even in my
vision of socialism with the state
sector and state Investments and so on I
want there to be more public discussion
and debate about certain things so it's
not just left to technocrats because
you'd want to live in society where
you're you just find out the next day
that there's some massive infrastructure
project that you haven't you know had a
chance to
think about or debate or feel like
you're participating
in you know and and debate is not just
facts and logic that's that's why if if
the whole universe was about facts and
logic computers could do a better job of
that there's something about humans
debating each other that goes into the
difficult gray areas of
of what it means to be human or what it
means to have a life that's worth living
um
that requires humanity and I'm also
worried about while I'm excited by the
possibility of AI controlling everything
half joking but the reason I'm really
terrified of that is because usually
there's a possibility of a human taking
control of that system so you you now
start to get the same kind of
authoritarian thing well I am a human
I'm smart enough to be able to uh
control this AI system and I will do
based on what this AI system says uh
what's good for you it's kind of like
talking down to people and then use that
AI system to now have the same kind of
thing as holiday more in 1930s and also
our preferences might change so an AI
system might say the goal of humanity is
to just increase infinitely efficiency
or or increase output whereas we might
collectively decide that you know we we
have enough and we want to you know have
a trade-off right and I think that you
know we need a system that allows for
people to make
certain trade-offs
and have more of this uh Leisure that
I've been learning about from you this
is a very interesting concept Leisure
I'm gonna have to how do you spell that
all right so
if we can step into the Practical we're
talking about historical and
philosophical into the Practical of
today
what are some of the exciting policies
that represent Democratic socialism
today modern socialism
uh I think you mentioned some of them
you know Medicare for all or Universal
Health Care
something you haven't mentioned is
tuition-free college
increasing minimum wage maybe stronger
unions like we talked about
what are some ideas here what are some
ideas there's especially policy
especially exciting to you
well I think that hours reduction has
always been an important demand for
socialists
um so I mean it's been a reality in in
certain countries like France and in
recent uh decades
where part of the logic is
if you have a bunch of people working
for 40 plus hours a week and you also
have some unemployed people who would
like more employment then it's not a
zero-sum game you could reduce hours to
35 hours and still maintain the same
output by employing more people to kind
of fill the the slack in in hours so one
I think it's a solidaristic thing in
working class movements being unemployed
and employed workers I also think that
um yeah it gives people more time so
Marx was a big advocate in his day of um
a 10 hour
um a bill in in in the UK that would
reduce the hours of working time
and reduce child or eliminated or renews
child labor and and other things as well
and part of it was
this is a radical demand because it's
reducing the sphere as we saw of
exploitation so it's putting limits on
on how much time the capitalist can take
from ordinary workers and how much
Freedom they would they would have
um with Healthcare one I just think it's
a a government Health Care System you
know you could tell me that you don't
want it in the U.S but you can't tell me
it doesn't work because we've seen it
work in every other major industrial
system in different forms so what does
that usually involve what does Universal
Health Care involve so there's different
varieties in the UK for instance they
have a National Health Service in which
medical personnels and hospitals are run
directly by the state it's almost like a
mini Soviet system to be honest but just
for healthcare it works pretty well just
for healthcare
um and I think it's one example of the
way in which you could actually take the
market so I give you a vision of
socialism that involves a lot of Market
but I think there's certain spheres
where you could remove the market from
and still have
um an efficient system
um in part because you know this is a
area in which we
people don't have
obviously for cosmetic procedures
whatever they have preferences but for
most routine things that people do in
healthcare they just need to see a
doctor you know they need to get
diagnosed
um some of these systems have had
trouble with waitlist for Specialists or
whatever that's more of like an
allocation problem of if you want more
Specialists you pay Specialists more
like this is just problems that could be
solved by like through the mechanisms of
of planning and and government-run
Healthcare so that's that's kind of the
most left-wing that he could get is what
the system the United Kingdom
um beyond that you have a system like
Medicare for all where you say all right
most of the doctors besides for public
hospitals that already exist
um are going to be privately employed by
Hospitals now hospitals are going to be
private
but
um instead of having all these different
insurance carriers we're just going to
have one national insurance carrier that
we're all going to pay into that
national insurance carrier is going to
negotiate
um the price of Health Care with doctors
the price of
um of drugs with pharmaceutical
companies and so on to hopefully reduce
um uh prices and to implement a
different little bit of planning into
into the system because if there's only
one you know uh big National Insurance
Company
um that that company has a lot of weight
and power but you know you could still
visit your same doctor and
um there's still some uh it's not as
radical of a of a shift in that
direction and that's a dominant demand
of Bernie Sanders and the left right now
um there's 30 plus million people in the
US would be insured that currently
aren't insured if we move to the system
there's a lot of other people that are
underinsured or worried about how to pay
co-pays or or premiums involved I think
would be a net benefit for the vast
majority of the US population even if it
was offset with certain taxes because we
spend a lot of money out of pocket with
with health insurance and it's demand
also that's like widely popular so for
me
it's almost like if you're trying to
build support for
um something like socialism we were
talking this Loft division of socialism
after capitalism or what worker
um ownership the means of production
would look like in practice and and so
on and by the way you're one of the few
interviewers who ever asked Mandy the
the details so it's good that I had a
I've been thinking of a rough sketch in
my head for the last you know
um whatever 16 years that I've been a
socialist
but
but we have to start in the Heron now
and if you can't convince people that
the state should play a bigger role in
their health insurance and you can
convince Americans and a whole host of
other sectors that they should be living
in something closer to social democracy
how are you going to convince those
people that there should be worker
ownership of the means of production
it's kind of a ridiculous like leap
um if if you don't have the credibility
as the group of people organizing for
universal healthcare organizing for a 15
minimum wage and able to get the goods
and also in practice as we fight for
these reforms
ordinary people will have a better sense
at least my hope is of what it means to
be involved with politics and what
politics can do for their lives it's
positive because right now when we talk
about politics it often just seems that
we're talking about
um like a very glib cultural conflict
removed from the things that are
important in our lives whereas in truth
I think politics can be a tool for us to
make our lives better
yeah and there's like deep ideas here
where in some sense Universal Health
Care and worker collectives are not so
radically different that there is just
uh there's philosophical ideas to
explore and accept and also from my
perspective at least
maybe I'm wrong on this but it seems
like with a lot of things
at the core of Politics the right answer
from an alien perspective is not clear
like everybody's very certain of what's
the right answer everyone's certain
Universal Health Care is terrible or in
the case of Universal Health Care
majority of people think it's a good
idea but I don't think anyone knows
because I think that depends on cultural
history on the on the particular
dynamics of a country of a political
system on the Dynamics of the economic
system in this country of the changing
world the 21st century is different than
the 20th century maybe the failures of
Communism in the 20th century will not
be repeated in the 21st century or the
flip side of that may be capitalism will
actually truly flourish
are with the help of Automation in the
21st century I don't think anyone knows
so like you people like you are
basically saying like arguing for ideas
and we'll have to explore those ideas
together
um
why do you think if Universal Health
Care is popular
why don't we have Universal Health Care
in the United States well
democracy is a great thing political
democracy is wonderful it came from the
struggles of ordinary people to expand
suffrage and and so on but the economic
sphere entrenched power and the economic
sphere bleeds into our political
democracy so I think there's a lot of
people with a vested interest in not
having Universal Health Care
um there's large Industries with the
best interest in not having Universal
Health Care
they pay for ads pay lobbyists they
influence government and they have made
it very difficult so you can't get
Universal Health Care
um done without the bill even if you
pass something you're trying to make a
change like Obamacare was supposed to
have a public option everybody's been
running on a public option in the
Democratic party for 12 13 years why
don't we have a public option
um people know that if people have the
choice of buying into a government plan
they might just keep that might be the
slow road to really having Universal
Health Care so I think a lot of it's
opposition
do you like that idea the public option
maybe you can like because is there
complexities like pre-existing
conditions
so isn't a public option
mean you can not have any insurance
until you get into trouble
and then you can if it covers
pre-existing conditions just start
paying for insurance then therefore
young people don't pay for insurance
isn't it better to go full in I don't
support a public option in part because
I think if we allow politicians to just
say hey I support a public option well
it's just kind of a way to Signal your
support for Universal Health Care would
give us nothing and I think that's what
we saw under with Biden a lot of other
politicians that have supported uh
public option I think in practice if a
public option is defined in such a way
that it just means
you you
um you know by default can just opt in
to a public plan and let's say
hypothetically you don't even have to
pay for it then it's just a back door to
universal healthcare really quickly
because I think the vast majority of
people who aren't currently covered and
also a lot of employers to be honest
would probably drop their private
coverage if they knew their employees
can just get a public option and maybe
would only provide supplemental
insurance or or whatever else
um but I think the broad overarching
point of all these demands is to say
that
socialists need to be really connected
to the day-to-day struggles of people to
just improve their lives
so if you're feeling like you're paying
400 500 on the Obamacare market for
health insurance and that's hampering
your ability to do what you want to do
in your life then maybe you would
support a candidate who's for Universal
Health Care if you feel like you're
struggling to find work that you could
afford to pay your rent with or whatever
else maybe it'll support a candidate
committed to
um all sorts of mechanisms to reduce
housing prices or increase your power as
a as a tenant
um and you know whatever else I think
it's like these day-to-day concerns need
to be connected to the more abstract and
lofty vision of change otherwise our
politics just becomes like this this
fantasy world thing that's that's you
know nice ideas to think about or debate
but but really won't make much of a
difference in people's lives
what do you think about free college
should College be free
so I would say free college is not at
the top of my list of priorities but it
definitely should be for you in my
vision of a just
um just Society what is it that you tell
just to clarify is the Universal Health
Care up there yeah universal healthcare
is probably far higher in my priorities
than than free college I think right now
the way our system is built
when someone goes to college they're
given credentials they're given decree
they carry with them for the rest of
their life it gives them a chance to
join kind of a privileged part of the
labor market right it's not a zero-sum
game I don't want college-educated
people to think that non-college
educated people are their enemies and
vice versa because a lot of them are
just ordinary Working Class People
trying to survive
and they're in different areas or in
different sectors
um you know some of them are in nursing
sectors where they need a college degree
and and so on
but if you just make College tuition
free but you don't also make uh trades
skills and other things
um tuition free for someone to learn how
to become an electrician or a plumber or
whatever else then to some degree you're
privileging one sector of the labor
market over another
um so I would Advocate just if you're
going to make something like that free
you just have to make sure that you're
doing an egalitarian way and that one
the options the routes to college are
more more equal so
um you know there's more investment in
K-12 education so that more kids in
rough neighborhoods have the chance to
go to college and for those that choose
the trade route from from any any part
of the country that they're given the
skills and resources for vocational
um you know trainings and that those are
also free and it just feels like in
terms of order of operation I would just
start with K-12 education improving it
and and whatever else then
College after but I'm not opposed to it
so does that improving K-12 education
does that mean investing more into it is
it as simple as just increasing the
amount of money that's invested in the
in public education in general when it
comes to the public sector or any any
sphere that you're investing in uh
obviously it's not just as simple as
throwing money at a problem I do think
we have a lot of schools that are um
underfunded but we have other schools
that are adequately funded but the
conditions in which those schools are
like the neighborhoods they're in and
what's going on in society
um the problems are so deep that it's
impossible for just education to solve
everything and I think especially a lot
of liberals think that education should
be the Panacea invest in education
you'll help people if kids are living in
poverty if they go into school hungry or
whatever else like education's not gonna
give them
everything they need to to succeed so
sometimes we I think put too much weight
on on education
and of course you can Define education
more broadly which is like
the care
of the flourishing of the young mind
whatever that is yeah whatever you call
this early yeah a lot of it starts with
so New York City at least we do have
um Universal Pre-K so from H3 onward you
you have the option for that I mean it's
important for kids socialization you
know their parents are now able to you
know know that they could go to work or
do something else and have their you
know have their kids taken care of
um there's a lot of measures like that
that we could do to to equalize things
and again
for Libertarians in the audience you
know some of this stuff is scary because
it's obviously more State involved State
involved in pre-K
State it's already very involved in K-12
more investment into State institutions
like um our our state universities and
in college but for me it's not a
question of State versus non-state it's
a question of
um you know good outcomes for for people
and it just happens to be that for
Working Class People
um
having the collective power to elect
representatives that will build a
broader safety net is in their interest
for upper middle class people for others
they can afford to pay for their own
provisioning either directly or through
like Obamacare like schemes where you
just get a subsidy and you pay the rest
yourself and whatever this is for really
the bottom 40 plus of the population
they really don't have any options so
they prioritize other things they end up
with with some sort of injury or health
problem or whatever else and it's it's
bad for everyone in society but
especially bad for the people at the
bottom of the the labor market so I saw
various estimates for socialist programs
like Social Security expansion free
college
uh Medicare for all will cost upwards of
40 trillion dollars over 10 years for
zero okay to give argue with those
numbers and so on but so there's a cost
there's a taxpayer cost what are
given the weight of that cost
uh can you still make the case with
these programs and then can you try to
make the case against them that the cost
is too high so I I will not argue with
you on the numbers because you just
threat random numbers I do think
universal healthcare if Done Right can
be basically cost neutral I think it's
an exception because we spend a
tremendous amount of money on on Health
Care a huge percentage of our GDP so I
think it could be done in a way that's
close to
um class neutral so especially can you
argue on the numbers without arguing on
the numbers you're saying just your gut
says that there's a lot of depending on
how these programs are done there's a
lot of variance in how much it will
actually cost there's a lot of
bureaucracy in Billing right now in our
Healthcare sector for example that would
be
um eliminated
um there's a lot of costs that are
spiraling upward of Provider costs from
both Doctors Hospitals but also
Pharmaceuticals of drug costs that
insurance companies shoulder because the
their market share is too fragmented to
really negotiate hard
um Medicare could sometimes negotiate
better rates but a Medicare for all
would negotiate even better rates so I
think there's a cost spiral that we can
adjust with more government
um involvement and there's a reason why
we spend a bigger share of our GDP on
health care than other places but but
let me just accept the broad premise
that social programs cost money
um
now
I think that that one for ordinary
people most of them
the trade-off of even hypothetically if
if taxes on
um lower middle class and Working Class
People in certain cases go up the
trade-off would still be in their
benefit because they're the ones who
currently who would be consuming more of
those goods and also our tax system and
whatnot is Progressive so the the rich
will pay pay more
the majority will consume
um more of them also I think a lot of
these programs are the Bedrock of a
healthy Society
so one reason for example that we have
um so much crime and violence in the US
there's lots of you know cultural and
other causes with our level of gun
ownership American history and and so on
but one one really important factor is
just the level of poverty and inequality
in the US compared to other other
countries that combined with guns and
and other factors means we live in more
violent unequal societies if you know a
European would be shocked by the fact
that in even some of our our nicest
areas and our and cities and elsewhere
because there's a lot of rural violence
too it's just normal to have gun uh
violence it's normal to have uh
drug-related violence you know the we
have what like four or 500 people some
years in like Baltimore like a city of
under a million getting getting killed
um
these are all recipes for society in
which one the public sphere is is drunk
like crazy because you're not gonna go
wander out for an evening stroll in a
park if you live in a dangerous area or
whatever else like the the rot goes very
deep and a welfare state is one way to
to live in a better Society for everyone
um there's been plenty of of studies uh
there's one book called the spirit level
on um on inequality that was quite
popular that just notes that inequality
is really terrible for the psyches
um of the rich too not just for for the
poor so I think uh spending some more
money living in more just Society is is
doable there's different ways to to
address certain costs
um spirals one reason why our welfare
states are getting more and more
expensive is in part just because our
population is is aging but many of the
same people who say we can't afford
um more in our welfare states because
um you know we're already spending so
much on Social Security and all these
other entitlements are the same people
also for one you know closing borders so
immigrants can't come in uh to to help
build the economy and to fill gaps in
the economy and also who aren't for
things that'll make it easier to have
kids you know I'm uh 33 years old I have
a lot of friends
um who have been putting them off having
kids until they save up x amount of
dollars even though they have someone
they could you know uh raise raise
children with
um because they can't afford the cost of
child care they can't they can't you
know their job probably won't give them
more than four or six weeks of of um
family leave or whatever else like this
is not the case in other other countries
so I think there's all sorts of benefits
from having a bigger uh welfare state
but yes there are costs and there are
going to be certain trade-offs it's not
a magical thing where you could just you
know have everything without trade-offs
so in a progressive Tech system
is there
to to push back on the costs here
is there a point at which taxing the
rich
uh is counterproductive in the long term
so in the short term there might be a
net benefit of increasing taxes
um because the programs the middle class
the lower middle class gets is more
beneficial
is there is there a negative side to
taxing the rich
in theory yes of course so one would be
um if you tax the rich so much
they change their consumption patterns
and that has negative impacts on the
economy as a whole that you like you
would have to kind of really model it
out but there would be a certain point
in which the consumption changes might
have net detrimental effects
um I think that's more unlikely and the
more likely scenario is you tax
corporations and and other
um uh wealthy you know people in society
to the point that
um they have potentially less money for
productive investment because you're in
a capital Society so you're relying on
capitalists to invest
so you kind of don't want to be in the
worst of Both Worlds where you've gone
too far for capitalism but not far
enough for socialism
um and my vision of course of socialism
that's one reason why we'd have to take
the investment function away from
kaplers there has to be if you're gonna
make it so hard for them that they can't
invest or they can't employ labor the
way they're employing now you have to
create another mechanism for Supply to
be created and that's why that's a
transition Point yeah
um what about longer term
de-incentivizing young people that are
dreaming of becoming entrepreneurs and
realizing that there's this huge tax on
being wealthy so if you take these big
risks which is what's required to be an
entrepreneur
and you are lucky enough to succeed and
good enough to succeed that the
government will take most of your money
away
I think realistically that's not a
disincentive for most people
um first of all we already have
progressive taxation system uh the
government does take take a bunch of the
money away and people are still striving
to become rich a lot of what people want
when they dream of success is they want
accolades they want respect and of
course they want
some more wealth well to consume luxury
goods with or whatever else but at a
certain point it becomes better for the
state to
um to tax and either redistribute
directly or through social programs or
redirect that money through tax credits
and on other ways to shape investment
towards productive investment you know
we don't want a society in which a bunch
of rich people fly around a helicopters
going from klepto Club while the
productive economy
um kind of does nothing right at that
point I think a lot of ordinary rich
people might prefer
the government to come in to tax them
and to try to Spur investment in certain
productive
um sectors so it really just just
depends but I honestly believe that that
most people
don't necessarily want to be rich for
the sake of being rich they want to be
successful and there's many different
Dynamics to that and accolades and
social respect is is an important one of
them it's also why people who just
become Filthy Rich often the first thing
they do is start up philanthropic trust
and try to give away their money because
they want the social respect and
accolades and whatever else they don't
want just their money
on that topic sort of a little bit of a
tangent there's a lot of folks in the in
the in the left community
uh far left Community socialist
community that I think are at the source
of a kind of derision towards the b word
the billionaires
does it bother you or do you think
that's in part Justified a kind of uh
using the word billionaire as a dirty
word I think it's perfectly Justified
and that it's a popular shorthand right
um so obviously when I talk about
inequality I often talk about power
dynamics right between workers and
bosses and and so on
billionaire is just the 99 one percent
version of it it's just a popular
shorthand to just explain the fact that
you know there's
um a lot of people who have accumulated
obscene
wealth
um these people aren't in my mind
parasites you know in the in the kind of
very very old school
um socialist rhetoric in that
of course
um capitalists
um provide employment take entrepreneur
with come up with new ideas sometimes
themselves like sometimes directly
manage uh work and whatever whatever
else
um but they exert so much power over the
lives of not just their workers but
society as a whole taking away some of
their wealth and power is a way to just
Empower others
um and again uh these things have policy
trade-offs if you if you just snap your
fingers and say
um Elon Musk you're now
um all your wealth is gone you're now
you know on food stamps or whatever else
and that kind of arbitrary way you'd be
a total totally disincentivized people
from trusting the rules of the game as
they've been set up in a capital society
and I think that would have negative
consequences for workers but saying that
hey this person has too much power and
too much wealth and has too much ability
to dictate things about the lives of of
others I think it's just simply a fact
and
um I think it's true in the cases of
people who are good people and and have
risen to this position and as true in
the cases of people who are maybe not so
good people and who have risen to these
these positions so I agree with you in
part but I have to push back here so one
of the problems I see is using
billionaires as shorthand to talk about
power inequality and wealth and
inequality
often dismisses the fact that some of
these folks
are some of the best members of our
society so outside of the the in however
the system has created inequalities
a young person today
should dream to build cool stuff not for
the wealth not for the power the fame
but to be part of building cool stuff
now there's a lot of examples of
billionaires that have gotten there in
Shady ways and so on
and you can point that out but in the
same way we celebrate great artists and
great athletes and great uh literary
icons and sort of writers and Poets and
musicians and uh engineers and
scientists we should celebrate we should
sort of separate the the human Creator
from the wealth that the system has
given them that that that's what I worry
about is like in our system some of the
greatest humans are the ones that have
become rich and so we sometimes mix up
the if you want to criticize the wealth
we sometimes criticize the human and the
Creator while that should actually be
the person we aspire to be
so you know I would agree with that
um LeBron James if he's not already in
his lifetime will be a billionaire
um and he got his money largely through
just being an incredible athlete
excelling in his field more than
anyone's you know besides for Michael
Jordan I think he's my number two he
might be my number one
um yeah I'm willing to keep keep an open
mind about the Lebron vs Jordan
conversation but
um you know he got that through his
Merit and he's been rewarded in a
party's getting rewarded because he's
created vast amounts of Wealth Beyond
what he's getting this is just his share
you know it's the salary cap League uh
whenever he's doing an endorsement
obviously that company is thinking that
he's worth more than what they're paying
him for that that endorsement and so on
and to the extent with um Elon Musk
people see Innovation and they see
someone who
will put himself out there with
sometimes crazy ideas because he's
trying to think about the future and
trying to just push things forward
instead of just sitting on whatever
money he has now and just investing it
earning you know six percent you know
for the return for the rest of his life
you know I think that that's that's a
positive thing uh but I think it it
doesn't get to the broader
policy question when people invoke
billionaires they're invoking the
Specter of inequality and power
um it
it's not normally the rhetoric that I
use because I propose pose and I use
more traditional
um socialist rhetoric and and terms but
I think it gets it something real so
often with these sorts of shorthands we
use in politics
um there are
um
you know they're imperfect but they
speak to to a real a real thing and they
they feed a little bit of fun that folks
like AOC and Elon have with each other
creates it feeds it inspires it serves
as a catalyst for uh productive
discourse okay speaking of which you
said you're a fan of Bernie Sanders
uh would you classify yourself as a
Bernie bro what's the technical
definition of a burning is that a very
it's a subset no no I'm sorry you're a
sophisticated philosopher uh writer uh
economic and political thinker of course
you would not call yourself a burning
bro I'm probably calling myself a burner
crap because it was made up by liberal
journalists to smear Bernie and his
supporters oh that's hilarious during
the 2016
um campaign uh even though
disproportionately his supporters were
like young women in their 20s you know
um but whatever I ride for Bernie
there's the worst things in the world
being called a bro so that's fine what
uh what do you like about Bernie Sanders
and to what degree does he represent his
ideas of socialism to what degree does
he uh represent
the more traditional sort of liberal
ideas I love Bernie uh most of all I
like his Clarity he's by far the best
Communicator we have on the left he
speaks with a moral force uh he's
relatable
um and he's taken a lot of socialist
rhetoric from Academia and brought it
down to its core in a way that's
comprehensible for ordinary people and
speaks to their daily lives
so when Bernie does a speech people can
finish his lines because they know what
he's going to say you know they know
what points he's going to hit because
socialism in my mind should not be a
complicated thing now when we get to
more abstract discussions about what a
future system would look like when we
get to the policy trade-offs today I
think we need to put on a different hat
we should embrace
um all sorts of nuance and contradiction
and complication when it comes to the
core moral and ethical appeal I think
Bernie grasped that and how to
communicate it now
Bernie Sanders was politicized a very
long time ago I actually once told him
I've only met him a few times but one
time I joked that
um in his in his book he mentioned that
one politicizing moment in his life was
when
um the Brooklyn Dodgers left town and he
was devastated because he was a Dodgers
fan you know from Brooklyn and I said
this is like 2020 campaign this maybe
2019 I said Bernie running for president
you did not need to keep reminding
people of your age yeah but
um you know he
he was politicized through the young
people's socialist League which was an
old offshoot of the norm Thomas
Socialist Party of America so very old
school socialist tradition then he was
engaged in labor struggles in the 60s
um he was engaged in the Civil Rights
Movement so he came from this old left
generation that I think just had a more
plain spoken more rooted way of
understanding change and socialism it
wasn't in my mind polluted by Academia
and by some of the the turn towards
issues of culture and and excessive
focus on representation or whatever else
it was rooted it was really rooted in
something economic in a way
I then obviously he had all his ideas
and he was also a product to the left
and that he went to Vermont he kind of
did the back to the land thing he was
basically like a not quite a hippie and
and affect but he was out there trying
to farm or whatever and you know cold as
hell Northern Vermont
and then he decided to to do politics do
electoral politics and he failed for a
long time he did Third Party politics he
kept losing races uh eventually he
became by Savvy and luck and things he
learned the mayor of Burlington Vermont
and he just kept with the same message
and in my my book I talk about
um I quote I think a Bernie speech from
the 1970s one of his early campaigns and
I compared it to a Bernie speech
um during his 2016 campaign it was
virtually identical millionaires were
swapped with Millionaires and
billionaires speaking of billionaires
which is which is beautiful you know
it's it's it's I I think there's there's
something you know great to what he
offered American politics and also all
around the world there's a socialist
poll in politics whether you agree with
it or not and all these countries in
Europe and any any rich country Japan
and so on and the us we really didn't
have that the furthest left you could go
was like you know Chris Hayes and MSNBC
or whatever
um
I'm very glad that there's there's a
socialist poll and I think we have
Bernie to to thank for it
um to the extent that a lot of you know
self-described socialists don't think
Bernie is a real socialist it's
important because he stays grounded in
people's day-to-day lives and struggles
I don't think he thinks often the way
that that I do and other people more
disconnected or step and move from day
to day politics think about the future
um Contours of a social society and so
on but I think he's morally committed to
a egalitarian different sort of future
and I don't think he at least haven't
heard him
talk about sort of this big broad
history and future so the Marxist
ideology and so on not that he's afraid
of or something it's just not how he
thinks about it yeah I think he's a
practical thinker and also yeah he is
running even if he he he he should be
afraid of it too because he is a uh you
know he is a major politician running
for president I think what people want
is they want
um
they want the left wing of the possible
and I or at least the segment of the
party that was voting for him the
Democratic party is voting for him they
wanted something that was a step or two
removed from what they had now it was
Visionary but not so far removed that it
seemed like a scary leap and I think we
we lost lost a chance in 2016 to elect
someone that I think would have beaten
Trump or the very least would have you
know
been close do you think the Democrats
screwed him over
yes not in the way of deliberate or
direct vote working but
they put their thumb on the scale uh for
sure I mean there's it's not even
conspiracy theory there's all this stuff
in the debates about uh Clinton you know
being Clinton's people being fed
questions and and whatever else and just
the tone of the media the media was
extremely dismissive and hostile uh to
him uh I love that Bernie still does the
Fox News town hall with his they're just
him speaking to the people and he's not
afraid of of going on you know any sort
of
um outlet and making his uh his case but
I think a lot of the the liberal media
in particular
um always had it out for Bernie Sanders
what was the because that was really
annoying that was really annoying how
dismissive they were I I've seen that in
some other candidates like um they were
dismissive towards Andrew Yang in that
same way so forget the ideology
why are they so smug sometimes towards
certain candidates what is that because
I think that's actually at the core to a
degree of Democrats or any party fails
that it's that smugness because people
see through that I think a lot of these
people are friends even if they don't
know each other their friends because
they went to the same uh schools they
know the same people they have the same
broad just ideology and worldview so
they had a sense of what the Democratic
party should be and who it should be
running and who is going to win and also
what was serious and unserious yeah so
Bernie would say some things about the
world that objectively to a lot of
people seem correct or at least
pretty close to correct and a journalist
would just look at him like he's from
outer space to some extent this also
happens on to people on the right you
know people on the right often say
things that I find uh repulsive or or
just wrong but
there's parts of the media that would
describe their certain views as
illegitimate or outside this boundaries
of acceptable conversation I think there
should be a few things outside the
boundary of acceptable conversation you
know hate speech and and so on
um but like there's this attempt to say
their views are illegitimate and
therefore anyone who votes for them for
any reason is illegitimate too and
that's one reason why I think it fueled
a lot of resentment and it will
ultimately end up feeling
um the extremes of American politics and
people feel like you know they're
they're not being listened to
yeah and some of it is also style
speaking and personality
where if you're not willing to sort of
play kind of a game of Civility
there's like a proper way of speaking if
you're a Democrat if you're not doing
that kind of proper way of speaking
people dismiss you I think in certain
sense whatever you feel about him people
dismiss Donald Trump for the same reason
where it's the style of speaking the
personality of the person that he's not
playing by the rules of of polite
Society of polite politician society and
so on
and that that's really
that troubles me because it feels like
Solutions the great leaders
will not be polite
in the they're not they're not going to
behave in their the way they're supposed
to behave and I just wish the media was
at least open-minded to that like
which I guess gives me hope about the
New Media which is like more distributed
citizen media right that they're more
open mind to the Revolutionary
to The Outsiders right I actually first
uh I really like Bernie Sanders
um I first heard him
on uh in conversation with Thom Hartmann
uh he had these like uh like weekly
conversations and just the authenticity
from the guy I didn't even know any
context I didn't even know honestly he
was a Democratic Socialist or anything
the authenticity of the human being was
really refreshing and we I guess decided
to run for president that was really
strange I was like surely this kind of
this person has no chance
just like he seemed too authentic he
seemed to
like he's not going to be effective at
playing the game of politics so it was
very inspiring to me to see that you
don't necessarily need to be good at
playing the game of politics you can
actually have a chance of winning yeah
that was that was really inspiring to
see
um
what about some of the other
popular candidates what do you think
about AOC
I don't know if she self-identifies as a
socialist or not she does self-identify
as a as a Democratic Socialist
I think she was a very inspiring figure
for for a lot of um people she was kind
of out of this Bernie wave of the first
set of Bernie candidates in 2018 that
identified with him instead of the
democratic party establishment
I think that
she's still developing as a politician
it's very difficult when you're in a
deep blue District
and
when
you don't often have to worry about
re-election or talk to but modulate your
rhetoric to win over swing Motors in
your District but then you're
immediately a national and cultural
figure
so AOC basically goes from her views
which are compelling in my mind a lot of
her programmatic views are compelling
wins her district and then has her on
rhetoric which to me compared to Bernie
owes itself more
to the academic left in the way that a
lot of the left has learned to talk I
don't mean academic sense that she's
like a Marxist or whatever else but
academic and the way that
she may be
using at times like confusing language
to convey basic points when she gets
into like
the like language of intersectionality
and whatever else especially in the
context of cultural issues and stuff
like that exactly instead of just the
plain spoken burning like yeah
discrimination is is wrong if you ask
them about a cultural issue I'll come
down on the same side as AOC I'm sure
you know nine plus tens out of uh times
out of ten but I'll try to root it into
just basic like yeah treat people with
respect you know and they'll treat you
with respect and that's the way we
should govern our Civics fear you know
and we don't need to talk about about
intersectionality to to I think get that
but so there's that rhetoric
but she's not just regular
congressperson and a deep blue District
she's also a national and international
cultural and political figure so she's
now a spokesperson because of larger
like a media event of her surprising
upset election and her being you know
young and like being really connected to
this post-burny moment
and I think amid these constant one
attacks on her from the right and also
this media attention and this notoriety
she hasn't really modulated or adjusted
her audience her rhetoric and how do you
win over someone who
really hates a lot of your ideas but
might actually believe in some of your
policies and
um I think she's been
um ineffective quite frankly in the last
year making that transition whereas I
think other politicians who are not so
far left
um who don't identify socialists but
let's say a John Federman has managed to
become more effective and I don't think
it's a question of character or whatever
else and I like AOC so I don't want to
put it so harshly but I think a lot of
it has to do with her being a congress
person in a deep blue district and
fetterman being running for Statewide
office in a you know quote-unquote
purple State
um but at her best at her best she does
it but it's like glimmers you okay it's
kind of like um I don't know what's what
sport are you biggest fan of I'll give
you a sports analogy I like the end of I
mean uh NFL is up there if uh soccer is
up there but probably UFC okay well I
can't give you a good analogy for any of
those but it's like a raw Prospect like
you know someone who who shows glimmers
of hope so they were drafted really high
and then they Bounce from Team to team
and you're like I'm clinging onto my see
a stock but um but I think that
that she needs to be self-critical
enough and her team needs to be
self-critical enough to know the goal is
not merely to be a national cultural
figure and win a re-election near deep
blue District the goal has to be to
become truly a national political figure
which will require changes
a unifier an inspiring figure about the
ideas that she represents definitely and
she has other things against her like
I'm obviously class focused but there's
no denying I think that some of the
hostility to her is like sexism you know
it's rooted in I think people
um wanting to see or fail or whatever
else but that's only some of it you know
I think some of it otherwise is her
struggling to relate to people who don't
have a lot of her her you know starting
points as far as moral and ethical
beliefs
yeah but she's actually great at
flourishing in all the all the attacks
she's getting she's she's doing a good
job with that and a lot of those attacks
will break me if I'm being honest yes
that's that's the amount of fire she's
under
um but you don't want that to become a
drug to where you just get good at being
a national figure that's constantly in
the fights and are using that for
attention so on you still want to be the
unifier and that's the tricky tricky
switch do you think there's a chance
there's a world in which she's able to
modulate it enough to be a unifier and
run for president
and when I think she's very far away
from being able to do that
I think that
um
even other politicians that are also
polarizing within the squad in terms of
what they say their ideas whatever else
are very effective communicators like
ilhan Omar and others
um
I think I think AOC I mean that's my
hope right my hope is that someone like
AOC
um could uh the last year plus have not
has not been extremely promising you
know in my in my mind in part because
she's become or she's continued to
position herself as a lightning rod
cultural
figure
whereas I think a national political
figure needs to pick their spots and
also pick their moment for changing
their their rhetoric and adjusting to
Their audience and I think she does it
in certain environments but that needs
to be your National message when you're
out there
um you need to be speaking towards the
not already
converted and I think Bernie does that
Bernie strips his politics down to the
basics
so I agree with you spiritually but I
also we also have an example of Donald
Trump winning the presidency
isn't some
isn't some of the game of politics
that's separate from the policy
being able to engage in rhetoric that's
that leads to outrage and then walking
through that fire with Grace
first of all I think Trump was is kind
of a unique personality in American
history so it's hard to to
compare anyone to to Trump but don't you
think AOC is comparable in terms of the
uniqueness
in the political system we're in or no
much more much more of a Firebrand
anti-establishment Force
um
in that and I mean this negatively for
what it's worth because I I don't
disagree with Trump but he was willing
to set fire to the Republican
um uh establishment right uh he was able
to self-fund you know largely his
campaign and he already was a media
figure without them uh AOC has been much
more cautious for the Democratic party
establishment in part because she's not
trying to run a national political
campaign right now for the outside like
a five percent chance to be president
let me set fire to everything she's
trying to help people and help her
constituents through the game of getting
committee appointments and you know
getting wins in the margins and I think
that's understandable for what it's
worth but in the process I think
what's the difference between AOC and a
progressive Democrat during 2016 it used
to be pretty easy to say the difference
between the Bernie Kratz and a
progressive Democrat right because we
were establishing our own outside third
force in American politics
were you know you could knock on the
door of a lot of people who would end up
voting for Trump and they would say oh I
have a lot of respect for for Bernie or
whatever they're still going to not vote
for him but he wasn't considered part of
the democratic party milieu
um I think now with AOC there's a much
closer Association of AOC in our
policies with ordinary
Democrats where she needs to draw
stronger distinctions she does need to
do it like um Trump did with just man I
forgot all of them though I found some
of them amusing in the moment like all
his nicknames about a lion Ted Cruz and
then the rest you know
um but I do feel like she needs to
um yeah differentiate herself a bit more
but then also just keep her language
simple
Trump
was more complex than Bernie
um in his his literal language but he
was repetitive and there was kind of a
rhythm and a Cadence to Trump's speech I
think AOC needs to like Bernie reduce
her rhetoric down to a couple key lines
and signatures and focus her politics
not on 20 issues but on three or four
most important issues and have that
message this one Bernie will do an
interview with you and he'll write down
hope you do interview Bernie
um but me too he'll write down like five
things and I yeah I'm only gonna talk
about these five things yeah ask me
about this okay I'm talking about these
five things so that's a message
discipline that Bernie has been
exemplary on yeah yeah sure so but I
think that's learned that could be
developed I think she could develop it
listen I hope I'm answering a question I
think not the way I should answer it
being someone you know broadcasting to
um to people on the on the left and and
and and and and you know elsewhere
um I hope AOC goes in that direction I
just think that she has a lot going
against her just because she's already a
national figure
and choosing a deeper blue District but
but we need to root our politics then in
Working Class People and a lot of
districts that I don't know the the type
of kitchen table conversations are I
hate that cliche but I just used it but
a lot of these these conversations are
just different in their tone and Cadence
and it's not just a question of I you
know fetterman or Tim Ryan in Ohio and
kind of just white working class voters
I mean working class voters of any race
um there's their day-to-day needs and
the day-to-day things they want to talk
about is just at a different plane than
you know uh a Met Gala cultural
statement
yeah I mean it's clear that your respect
and lover and and would like to see uh
different ways I mean she's young so the
different trajectories that she could
develop that would ultimately uh make
her a good candidate I'm just looking
odds here for and I disagree with them
I'm buying AOC stock here given these
odds so uh in terms of democratic who's
going to win the 2024 election so that
includes running and winning uh on the
Democrat side is 18 chance for Biden
seven percent chance for Kamala Harris
Gavin Newsom at six percent Michelle
Obama at uh three percent Hillary
Clinton at two percent and AOC at 1.5
percent and then Bernie at one percent
so uh I would not buy AOC at that Mark I
would buy Biden like crazy though I'm
not a Gambling Man but I would I would
totally toss a toss a g at Biden at that
amount I always say 1.5 chance I think
it's I think it's I don't think she runs
um you don't think she runs yeah okay I
don't think Bernie will primary Biden
either I mean he Eddie Biden doesn't run
then obviously it's an open field but I
just feel like
do you think Brian runs
yes I think Biden probably runs
oh boy he's an incumbent president he's
an incumbent president so it's just it's
very hard to imagine another Democrat
being able to do better than him all
right uh what about the competition
I think Donald Trump is the best thing
for the Democrats period just because it
would create this turnout mechanism this
excitement around where you have to stop
Donald Trump he's attacking DeSantis I
mean already he's he's trying to you
know the sanctimonious thing
um but yeah he's I I kind of like
Trump's kind of like the Don King of
American politics you know
yeah it's it's it's interesting what
kind of dynamic chaos he's created
um it probably led to more people being
interested
in politics well almost guaranteed it
led to more people being interested in
politics but maybe not in a healthy way
maybe it created an unhealthy
relationship with politics where it's
created more partisanship
for me I'm not I don't have a problem
with partnership it's what kind of
partnership so I think Trump has
cultivated like a lot of right populists
a relationship with his
supporters it's almost like a leader
follower relationship and a way that
doesn't actually enhance people's
knowledge of politics and the issues but
actually just fall leads them to follow
the party line
um ideally I think socialist politics
and politics in the lab should be
something different Eugene Debs the
Great American and socialist leader of
the late 19th and early 20th century
used to say
um you know I'm not your Moses I can't
promise to lead you to the
um Promised Land
because if I can lead you there and you
just follow me there someone's just
going to lead you straight out as soon
as I'm gone
and I think there's something nice about
that kind of anti
um you know blind following leader
follower kind of dynamic on the left at
its best
that said in a way
the at least the political race in the
United States has turned out it seems
like it's turned into a bit of
entertainment
and they're having
personalities and characters is really
important so in terms of policy and
actual leadership yes maybe having a
leader
um
like an authoritarian big leader is not
good but maybe for the race it is
uh for the drama of it you just want to
have drama and attention on people who
are actually going to turn out to be
good leaders that's a weird balance to
strike yeah earned media is what they
always talk about right in political
campaigns like you know the more you
could get on TV
um the better
um even like I I really like veteran he
just won his campaign but a good part of
his early campaign he had pivoted from
talking about issues to just talking
about Dr Oz living in New Jersey and
kind of having the troll campaign
against him which I found amusing
um but also and it was effective
obviously one
um but it you know it's a bit depressing
because I would have rather a whole
campaign cycle about health care and
jobs and other other issues
yeah I'll yeah and this is the the hope
is that people just get better at that
kind of uh Social Media communication so
I do actually think there's something
about doing political speeches that
makes you sound less authentic
because you have to like
do so many of them
it's it must be exhausting to like day
after day after day make the speech
you're going to start uh sort of
replaying the same stuff over and over
as opposed to actually thinking about
the words that are coming out of your
mouth and then the public will know that
you're not really being that authentic
even though you believe those things you
just It's just tough I just wish we they
didn't have to do constantly do speeches
so I think that the fact that Bernie's
speeches very clearly like came out of
it's not directly his own pen but his
own rhetoric over the years and he kind
of wrote it seemed authentic yes even if
he was repeating it
um and then Trump is just wild
improvisation I think people found real
you know in a certain way and I would
love for the left more generally to tap
into some of that anti-establishment
sentiment
but obviously during a way that's
productive that doesn't blame immigrants
or whatever else for for problems but
you know it is kind of built on a
different basis but people are fed up
for good reason with a lot of
conventional politics and we need to
speak to that otherwise it'll only be
the right that is taking advantage of
those people's anger well um I almost
forgot to ask you about China so both
historically we talked about the Soviet
Union but what lessons do you draw from
the implementation of socialism
communism in maoist China and modern
China what is what's the good and the
bad well I think it's very similar
um to the Soviet case and that socialism
came to China
um
through not a base of organized workers
and a capitalist country at a certain
level development and so on but it came
through the countryside and in
conditions of Civil War
Strife your Japanese invasion and
whatever else and Mao built his base in
the peasantry then came down to the city
to govern and try to build a base and
rule over uh workers so it was kind of
an inversion of classic socialist Theory
now the same thing that I said before
about Stalin and assessing the Soviet
Union has to apply here because
obviously you know I oppose
authoritarianism and you know I
obviously do all sorts of moral con
condemnations I I I should do but to
look at what the Chinese Communist Party
actually accomplished
I think we kind of need to take a step
backwards from our moral opposition to
the means in which they accomplish it
and just look at it developmentally
China benefited greatly from the
Communist party's implementation of
basic education and Healthcare
so in a lot of China you had one of the
conditions of women were absolutely
terrible there was still foot binding
and all sorts of like terrible backward
um practice
you had a huge vast majority of the
population that was illiterate without
any access to basic education and you
had no Health Access especially in the
countryside so those are the three good
things that that China did improve the
status of women
um get everyone into primary education
and improve the lot of Health Care
besides for that
um their agricultural uh campaign was a
failure just like stones for many of the
same reasons I mentioned before
um the Great Leap Forward and uh crash
industrialization didn't really work
either
um in a way is trying to better than
India or other
countries that that didn't have the
basic education and the strong State
Authority and and
um the the health improvements and
whatever
I think maybe but I think that's why we
need to sometimes go beyond just
economic measures of success
because if you told me tomorrow the US
will grow at three percent if we
maintain democracy but it'll grow at
eight nine percent everyone be wealthier
if we move to some sort of authoritarian
government I think
you're asking the wrong question if
you're going to make your decision based
on growth right because it has to be
based on some sort of you know principle
but the same Dynamic of from the
beginning the Chinese Communist Party
ruling over people emerging from the
outside through armed conflicts and
ruling over
um ordinary Chinese people have
continued since then Xiaoping the
policies have been better economically
and often at times not always the
technocratic governance has been you
know quite good but that doesn't mean
that the party has a democratic mandate
or or has the should have the right to
govern as they see as they see fit
because clearly you know it doesn't have
that mandate and swans to the country or
in places like Hong Kong or or elsewhere
um but to me
um
nothing the Chinese Communist Party does
has anything to do with socialism I
think even by their own definition today
it really doesn't
um it's a sort of nationalist
authoritarian developmental state that
has done some good things to improve the
living standards of the Chinese people
other things that were counterproductive
and
um you know as a Democratic Socialist
you know I I certainly don't support
that state but I also hope that the US
and Biden will find a way to avoid
um you know intense rivalry and
competition economically spilling over
into something worse from a Democratic
Socialist perspective
what's one policy or one or two ways you
could fix if you could fix China if you
took over China what would you like to
see change well the Democratic part
comes before the Socialist part so I
would say there needs to be multi-party
elections in China and
um State censorship and control over the
press in other words needs to be be done
with as far as their immediate economic
um policy I think the idea of
maintaining
um strong State control of certain you
know commanding Heights to the economy
while liberalizing other spheres has
done quite well in China's case lifting
people out of poverty
um but again you know there's something
really lost in a society even if it's
getting wealthier if you're a great
you know if Ordinary People don't have
the ability to
um participate in dissent
um freely and the Chinese authorities
have allowed some you know it's not
North Korea it's not a totally
totalitarian state there's been
workplace protests have been all sorts
of anti-corruption local anti-corruption
protests and things like that but it's
up the government decides what's
permitted and what's not at what
particular moment and uh I think the
long run
um even if it can survive
[Music]
um
there's there's a better way to do
things which is quite simply a democracy
the thing is though the lessons of
history that China is looking at this is
dark aspect
um so building on top of the fact that
it seems like under Stalin and under Mao
under Stalin Soviet Union and under Mao
China has seen a lot of economic growth
and then one dark aspect of that
while under the Great Leap Forward you
have you know upwards of 70 million
people dead
today I think there's a large number of
people who admire Stalin and admire Mao
what they admire is the stability and
the strong leadership so in this there's
a lot of people who miss the Soviet
Union right the reason why they miss it
is that it was a system they knew it
provided the basics of their livelihood
uh then afterwards like look at Russia
in the 90s people were in chaos and the
Communist party was had a huge amount of
support democratically
anti-democratic measures had to be taken
ironically against the Communist Party
um to keep it from regaining more of a
foothold in in Russia
but
we don't need that trade-off you know we
could have a form of
um imagine if Russia went to a system
closer to social democracy
that maintained
um the stability that people wanted the
welfare state that people wanted but
restructure the economy and not a shock
way but in a way that that made sense
and that Ordinary People felt ownership
of instead of just oligarchs who were a
former Communist Party bureaucracy just
dividing up the country for themselves
um I think the same thing in China like
first of all certainly from
the West
um you know the US government and people
in the U.S should have you know have no
say over what should happen in China
right the the Chinese Communist party
has more authentic authentic Authority
than any of us do in the country but
you know I think that the fears and
stability that a lot of Chinese people
have why I would imagine that even in a
democratic election the uh Communist
Party might have uh majority support
is because they fear the unknown they
fear collapse that was one of the big
lessons of the the Soviet collapse right
do you want trying to divide it into
five six
States you know do you want um economic
turmoil do you want Mass immediate
privatization do you want whatever
welfare state you have
um destroyed and so on
I think people are right to have those
fears
but there's a different route towards
democratization that maintains stability
right there's different routes that you
could that you could have
um you know democracy not not every
country had to go down the route of
Yugoslavia and the USSR and and so on
you are the founder of the magazine
Jacobin of which I am a subscriber I
recommend everybody subscribe whether
you're on the left or the right
the magazine does tend to lean left does
it officially say it's socialist we're a
socialist publication we try to be
interesting so we try to like you know
have articles that they kind of have
debates and contestation and whatever
else but we're definitely we're all
socialists well it's a a lot of really
interesting articles so I definitely
recommend that people subscribe support
I I only
like the CR like uh the product of the
21st century only subscribed to the
digital version but I guess there's also
paper version yeah there's like 70 000
subscribers and and Print in print yeah
does it come like on a scroll I don't
even know the paper do they even publish
paper Mages I'm gonna mail you a bunch
of copies uh no it's perfect bound you
know it's long issues RR um Jackman's
publisher uh remake F4 I've just
recently did a redesign of the of the
publication so it looks really good it's
you know it's up there in the design
award competition range it's nice it's
sexy I I can show it off to all my
friends look put in your coffee table
you don't even have to read it first I
need to get a coffee table but yes I'll
get both that's what respectable does
listen I've upgraded my life I haven't
had a couch I don't think ever so I got
a college recently because somebody told
me that serious adults have a couch and
I also got a TV because serious adults
have a couch and a TV and as you see
it's been here for many months and I
still haven't like unboxed it so
this I'm trying to learn how to be an
adult looking up on YouTube how to be an
adult and learning slowly after that
I'll look into this whole Leisure thing
anyway what's the origin of Jacob and
what was the what was the idea what was
the mission and what's the origin story
so I started Jackman when I was
um between my sophomore and junior year
of college basically I was already a
socialist I was involved in the
Democratic Socialist of America I was um
in the youth section the young
Democratic Socialist I was editing their
kind of Youth online magazine called the
activists back then
and to be honest I had my ideology I had
my views I had a group of people around
me that we would debate together and
occasionally write for this other
publication the activist and and so on
and
yeah just a product of creative
ignorance in the sense that I knew I had
the capacity to maybe pull off an issue
or two I just had no idea how long I
would keep doing it you know and I just
eventually consumed my life slowly but
surely like I had I had different plans
for my future I kind of you know but I
ended up
um just being a magazine publisher I
literally didn't know what a magazine
publisher was but uh it just kind of
happened what's the hardest part about
running a magazine
well the hardest part is obviously the
things just like any uh Enterprise right
the things beyond your control like you
could put out something that you think
is great or interesting but then you
need the feedback of people actually
subscribing to it and you occasionally
encounter periods where you feel like
you're doing your best work but you're
not getting the the audience response
and I think you just need the kind of
the self-confidence to just keep doing
it and obviously if you're totally
obscure and crazy and Way Off the Mark
you're never going to build that that
audience but I think a lot of
Publications have tried to same thing I
guess goes with YouTube shows whatever
else they try to adapt to what everyone
else is doing right away when they don't
achieve success
where whereas for me the early issues
that Jackman got very little resonance
and took a while for it to build into
something but a lot of it was just the
confidence to just keep going and keep
publishing what I would want to read and
just hope that I'm not so much of a
weirdo that I'm the only one
uh is there some pressure that you could
speak to of audience capture because it
is a socialist publication you have a
fan base a readership base
is there times you feel pressured not to
say a certain thing not to call out
bullshit
um not to criticize certain candidates
all that kind of stuff
yes definitely of course you know I um I
myself am looser on the self-censorship
than other people that's only because
I've
you know gotten this far
um just shooting for the hip or whatever
and occasionally you know you'll come to
a rash judgment right you'll speak too
soon or complain about something too
soon and you'll have to kind of either
apologize or kind of reconsider whatever
else
um but on a host of issues uh you know I
have used that maybe not all of the left
has but I know that the core of my
politics is a politics against
you know oppression against exploitation
against all the things that we we talked
about and if you know that's at The
Courier politics then you could maybe
say
you know what I don't think the left
should
um should respond to the real racism is
still about in the world by adopting
like an excessively racialized rhetoric
if that makes sense like I fundamentally
just am a Universalist and I believe
that
people no matter where their backgrounds
are and so on kind of want the same
things for themselves and for their for
their families
and
um I feel like a lot of the left or some
of the left um not not even the far left
more like the center left has adopted
kind of a stand saying oh we need to
talk about white privilege or you know
white Cairns or white guys or old white
guys doing this or whatever else and to
me it's not only Ron in a moral sense
but it's counterproductive because the
last thing I want is a young white
teenager who who
um you know feels unrepresented
politically and wants to be a part of
maybe even the left to feel like
um like oh I should think more about my
identity no the whole point of
anti-racist politics is we want to live
in a world where you know
um you know me and you can go around the
corner and get a beer and we're not you
know people of two different you know
races getting a bear we're just two you
know guys in America getting married you
know just we're trying to get have the
type of society in which there's less of
that sort of communal or racialized
identity
and that was the whole point of a whole
generation of anti-racist struggle but
now we seem to be
kind of reifying it in the media and in
culture and in politics and that's
that's one issue where I've been kind of
banging the drum on this to the point
that it's it's annoying in certain parts
of the left I don't think there's
um maybe extreme opposition among
socialists but it's more like a why do
you keep focusing on this let's focus on
our Real Enemy the right instead of
criticizing you know this part of no I
think that's really uh I I'm really glad
you exist I'm really glad you're beating
that drum because I think that's one of
the uh
one of the reasons that the left has not
had broader impact or is not heard by
more people that could hear its message
is because the othering the other thing
of like as if there's there's a there's
uh two teams of as if it's black and
white as opposed to having there's a
common Humanity in a common struggle
amongst all of us uh you you also wrote
the book that we mentioned a few times
the Socialist Manifesto
the case for radical politics in an era
of extreme inequality what's the
framework what are the ideas of the book
so a lot of it's a look at socialism's
past
um present and future basically so a lot
of it is historical
um the opening chapter uses a um pasta
sauce factory as a way to explain
certain Marxist Concepts but also a
theory of change like how we get
from let's say pure capitalism to more
regulated you know unionized and Social
Democratic systems and then beyond
social democracy into my vision of
socialism that's kind of the first
little bit it's a Visionary kind of like
look at the the future of socialism but
then I try to explain why some of past
social movements have gone wrong because
I think we can take for granted I think
a lot of people want to live in a
different or better Society but they
look at past examples and they're
skeptical and I think there's good
reason for skepticism so
um I try to explain both the successes
of certain systems like social democracy
but also what happened in Russia China
um and kind of more of historical
overview
are then
um the book kind of ends in the present
it ends with looking at the Bernie
Sanders campaign why it resonated
looking at some of the problems facing
um the U.S the UK other advanced
economies and why
um I think the Socialist message is
still relevant because for the longest
time
um I'm 33 I became a socialist as a
teenager and for the longest time it
seemed like I was just a member of the
Historical Society you know keeping
alive an idea that nobody was interested
in anymore and now you know it's
heartening to see more young people
interested in the idea what we actually
need to I think have a clearer sense of
what we stand for and how we make our
movement like it used to be more rooted
in the working class so if anyone
rewinds the tape may go to when we first
started talking about early socialism
when I was talking about the German
Social Democratic workers movement or
um all these different early parties I
think at various points I use the word
worker and socialist movement
interchangeably because in fact at the
time it was pretty interchangeable
um socialism was the ideology that had
the appeal of the working class movement
you know
um you couldn't really separate between
the two
um now obviously socialism is like a
fringe ideological current among a very
small minority of the working class
um which is fine but we need to get to
the point I think ideally where when
people talk about unions and people
protesting and social movements and
socialism they all kind of are one and
the same as part of the same broad broad
movement how did you become a socialist
what was what was the personal story
where the idea took hold in your mind so
I'm the youngest of five I was the only
one on my family born in the United
States
um so it was very obvious to me that my
life outcomes were very different than
life outcomes of my siblings so my three
older siblings you know didn't go to
college after After High School some of
them got their degrees
um you know much later on as adults
um but I was from a pretty young age had
access to a great Public School District
and
um was put on the track that you're
going to go to college you know this
this is kind of the the outcome and like
I said even my my grandmother was
illiterate
um my mom didn't have a lot of
educational opportunities early
um you know in in her in her life she
actually graduated from college the same
year I did so she she later got her kind
of degrees and and whatever else but
um
but to me it was obvious that so much of
my life outcomes weren't just a product
of hard work or my family sacrifices
because of course I had the same uh
family as my my siblings
um but the product of State institutions
helping out evening things out uh Public
School District Public Library like all
sorts of after school programs all that
was the domain of the of the state and I
really benefited from it so in a Essence
my core was a Social Democratic belief
the state should we distribute a bit
build in public institutions be an
equalizer now how it became a Marxist
and a socialist was much more random I
was just intellectually interested in it
and eventually I kind of merged the two
together where I merged together my
more pragmatic and practical
interest in day-to-day concerns and
reforms and so on with my loftier
intellectual interest in Marxism into
you know the politics I have today which
I try to kind of balance and do both and
I think a lot of socialists in the
organization that I joined as a teenager
the Democratic socialists of America and
elsewhere uh try to do the two try to
maintain some sort of balanced dream
hair and you know our vision of the
future
what do you think Marx would say if he
were to read your book uh socialist
manifest and do a review
so I think Marx would say that
um my vision of a socialism after
capitalism
maintains key elements of what he would
uh uh the commodity form so a lot of
what Marx was concerned about was
um
What markets do to Human Relationships
um in a negative sense his early
writings especially focus a lot on the
alienation of Labor
um my vision of socialism at least in
the air term a lot about it is about
decommodifying certain sectors so
reducing the market in certain sectors
and reducing alienation
but not eliminating it it is about
eliminating exploitation and oppression
so knowing marks and knowing how
critical he was of certain other
socialist strands and tendencies and he
would often write very snarky notes and
letters to people like Engels being like
this guy Sally he's a total asshole and
then he would send a separate note to
LaSalle saying hey can I borrow five
grand this is actually true he did the
boat he did the both I think the same
like um the same month
um so he would be really good at Twitter
is what you're saying oh he'd be the
best at Twitter and also he used to be a
he was a journalist before with his work
for the New York Tribune
um he was very clever very snarky he
would be awesome at Twitter I think him
and Elon would have a good back and
forth but yeah I think it would be
critical in some parts but I think the
the strangest part for him would be
reading the historical sections and
seeing the way in which his ideas which
was fundamentally ideas about human
emancipation
um
were used for for evil for hardship you
know for in in ways that did the
opposite of of emancipated but in some
cases you know enslaved people and I
think he would have
definitely not want to be associated
with them uh he probably would rather be
associated with me than them but even
then uh only begrudgingly
uh
what uh advice would you give to Young
Folks
in high school in college how to have a
career they can be proud of or how to
change the world I think be
intellectually curious
um you know read outside your current
beliefs and understand and read authors
on their own terms
so the worst thing in the world to do is
to read anything especially work a
fiction but anything and try to deduce
the authors
you know backgrounds or politics
whatever else like read it on its own
terms first then you could reread it and
kind of do other examinations or or
whatever else and also read a lot of
history so I started off reading books
like Eric hopis bombs
um uh four books on
um history going from the 1700s all the
way to 1994 the last book is age of
extremes
but I think understanding history gives
you a bird's eye view of everything uh
sociology
um economics everything so these big
sweeping historical books are really
useful to know like everybody should
know basically
you know what your um or at least like
what decade you know certain was
abolished with decades service slavery
is about abolished you know what century
Magna Carta was you know when the Roman
Empire fell even though it's kind of
debated when the Roman Empire fell all
these I think like being a person with a
general knowledge and general sense of
history and whatever else just makes you
more eclectic and interesting and it's
way better than just like especially a
lot of my Indian friends you know the
the obnoxious Indians but the hyper
focus on like uh you got to specialize
and you have to like focus on on math or
engineering whatever you want to do you
just know your field really well but
nothing else like I think there's
something really too whether you're
getting at school or you're just going
to do it by yourself giving yourself
kind of a liberal arts education
I think there's a lot of power to sort
of having the facts of history in terms
of in time when stuff happen but also
really powerful is knowing spatially
like the geography the where there were
a point in the map and there's
interesting dynamics that happen
throughout history of all the different
nations in Europe of all the different
military conflicts and the expansions
and and the wars and the empires and all
that kind of stuff it really puts into
context how
how human history has led to the place
we are today because all the different
geopolitical conflicts we have today
even the politics of the day is grounded
in history maybe less so for the United
States because it has a very young
history but that history even from the
United States is still there right from
the Civil War and understanding that
gives you context to when you tweet
random stuff about
uh this or that person or politician and
so on uh yeah very true
very true one of the regrets I have
currently is I have perhaps been too
focused on the 20th century
in terms of History
the present in the 20th century
a lot of people write to me that there's
a lot of lessons to be learned in
ancient history as well so not just even
American history but just looking
farther and farther and farther back
yeah that feels like
it's another time it's another place
it's totally has no lessons but then you
remind yourself that it's the same human
beings right yeah and also we're no
smarter than them we just have more
crude knowledge in part because of them
yeah but like you know they're just as
they were just as clever as us you know
uh what do you think is the meaning of
this whole experiment we have going on
on Earth
Now what's the meaning of life
well I think there's no broad meaning of
life there's you know it was an accident
but we ourselves need to make our own
meeting and for me a lot of it is about
um posterity trying to do something
worthwhile
while on Earth but also leaving
something behind it could just be
relationships with friends or family in
the future maybe having a family and
then kind of like leaving behind that
sort of Legacy
um the little bits of yourself but also
you know but them being able to learn
the same way I have little bits of my my
parents and my my grandparents
um and me and then also I think in a
social sense zooming out from just the
individual and the family
um leaving the World Behind a little
better you know uh I would love to be a
part of a movement that created a world
with a little bit less suffering a
little bit less oppression or
exploitation or or whatever else
um that's really why I'm uh why I'm a
socialist you know it's not about
stopping your fingers and curing the
world of everything in one in one go but
it is about I think
putting our lives giving our lives some
sort of meaning and purpose and you
don't have to be a socialist to do that
you could just do it at the you know at
the micro level in your own day-to-day
interactions but I just feel like life
has no good meaning without
um without thinking of posterity in the
future
and I have to say thank you for doing so
thank you for caring about the struggle
of the people in the world through ideas
that are bold and I think challenging
for a lot of people in a time when
socialism
is something that can be attacked
aggressively by large numbers of people
still persevering and still exploring
those ideas and seeing what of those
ideas can make for a better world that's
beautiful to see Bhaskar thank you so
much for talking today thank you for all
the work you do I can't wait to see what
you do next I appreciate it and uh yeah
thanks for keeping an open mind with
these conversations and to your audience
too you know it's it's nice to have a
space where you know people can debate
and think at length and don't have to
worry about soundbite culture thank you
brother
thank you for listening to this
conversation with bhaskara Sankara to
support this podcast please check out
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let me leave you with some words from
Karl Marx
democracy is the road to socialism
thank you for listening and hope to see
you next time